{"id":293594,"date":"2016-04-19T20:54:03","date_gmt":"2016-04-20T00:54:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/policyoptions.irpp.org\/2016\/04\/watch-your-language-supreme-court-sends-message-to-legislators\/"},"modified":"2025-08-28T15:27:09","modified_gmt":"2025-08-28T19:27:09","slug":"watch-your-language-supreme-court-sends-message-to-legislators","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/policyoptions.irpp.org\/fr\/2016\/04\/watch-your-language-supreme-court-sends-message-to-legislators\/","title":{"rendered":"Watch your language: Supreme Court sends message to legislators"},"content":{"rendered":"

On Friday, the Supreme Court of Canada\u00a0struck down<\/a>\u00a0provisions of the\u00a0Truth in Sentencing Act<\/em>\u00a0that limited the ability of sentencing judges to award \u201cenhanced credit\u201d for pre-trial time spent in jail. It did not do so on the basis that the provisions would lead to sentences that amount to cruel and unusual punishment under s. 12 of the Charter. Rather, the Court struck them down because they were \u201coverbroad.\u201d In light of the professed objectives that Parliament was pursuing when it enacted the legislation, it\u00a0needlessly<\/em>\u00a0restricted the liberty of some offenders.<\/p>\n

There is, in other words, nothing intrinsically wrong with limiting or removing enhanced credit (at least so far as this judgment is concerned). The problem is that Parliament\u2019s\u00a0reasons<\/em>\u00a0for doing so could not support the sweeping measures used in the Act. To use the language employed by the Supreme Court in\u00a0Bedford<\/em><\/a>, the problem is one of \u201cmeans-ends rationality\u201d.<\/p>\n

According to the reasoning used in the Court\u2019s judgment, then, Parliament remains free to bar sentencing judges from awarding enhanced credit. But it can only do so for the \u201cright\u201d reasons.<\/p>\n

Reasons matter. The idea that legislation can be unconstitutionally overbroad hangs on the premise that, if Parliament crafts a measure that puts the \u201clife, liberty, or security of the person\u201d at risk, it must do so for reasons that can be logically<\/em>\u00a0justified. The fact that it would be theoretically possible for\u00a0someone<\/em>\u00a0to dream up a defensible rationale for the measure is not good enough; if\u00a0Parliament\u2019s<\/em>\u00a0<\/em>rationale was inadequate, then the challenged provision will fall.<\/p>\n

There is nothing new in the courts\u2019 preoccupation with legislative intent. What is interesting is the way in which the Supreme Court\u2019s increasing use of the parliamentary record to determine legislative intent may affect how politics are conducted.<\/p>\n

Consider Friday’s\u00a0Supreme Court decision. It relies heavily on statements made by Justice minister Rob Nicholson in the House of Commons in 2009. He said the \u201cpractice of awarding generous credit erodes\u00a0public confidence in the integrity of the justice system\u201d and \u201cundermines the commitment of the government to\u00a0enhance the safety and security of Canadians\u201d. Though the Court acknowledges that the minister also tied the provision to other objectives \u2013 notably, the need for more adequate rehabilitation and retribution \u2013 it found that \u201c[t]he weight of the legislative record suggests that the challenged provision was geared towards promoting public safety and security, not retribution.\u201d<\/p>\n

Those who criticize the judicial use of legislative history in interpreting statutes, on the basis that courts can thereby \u201ccherry-pick\u201d the statements that will support their preferred reading, will find some reason for concern here. Let\u2019s set that aside for now.<\/p>\n

Most of us, I feel comfortable saying, take for granted that much of what is said in the House of Commons is bulls**t\u2013 and here I am using the term advisedly, in the Harry Frankfurt sense. Frankfurt, an American philosopher, observed that the defining characteristic of bulls**t is that the \u201cbulls**tter\u201d is not simply lying or being careless with the truth. He or she is simply indifferent to questions of truth and falsity. On that definition, as Frankfurt himself recognized, much of what passes for political discourse is bulls**t. And that is no less true of remarks made in the House of Commons when introducing or debating a proposed piece of legislation. Bills are often defended with fuzzy appeals to values and ideals. These are designed more to deflect or forestall criticism by members of the opposition than to allow genuine constructive debate on the merits.<\/p>\n

What is interesting is that the Court does not treat these remarks as vacuous bafflegab. It proceeds on the basis that, when Nicholson said that limiting the availability of enhanced credit was intended to further public safety and confidence in the administration of justice, he\u00a0meant<\/em>\u00a0it. Having identified the objective on this basis, the Court was then able to find that, in many cases, depriving individuals of access to enhanced credit would not advance public safety or confidence at all. The implicit message is that empty catch-phrases may help a government move its legislation through Parliament, but may also render that legislation more vulnerable to constitutional challenge if life, liberty, or security of the person are in play.<\/p>\n

The Court has long said that, in Charter challenges, legislative objectives must not be stated in abstract or symbolic terms that do not lend themselves to careful weighing or means-ends analysis. That, however, is typically thought to be a burden on the Crown as it seeks to defend the impugned legislation in Charter litigation. By drawing so heavily upon the objectives stated in Parliament, the Court arguably also signaled to politicians that they must be able to prove a well-thought out decisionmaking process. If this just means that our elected representatives will be encouraged to spread less bullsh**t, it may have welcome implications for democratic discourse. But if we think that the real problem with politics is not that politicians are bulls**t artists \u2013 if we think, instead, that politicians are (by and large) well-meaning people who just want to frame their arguments at a level at which the public can engage, rather than one that relies upon nuance or subtlety \u2013 then we might be concerned at the idea of courts effectively imposing structure on legislative debate.<\/p>\n

One last observation. The Court was inclined to look to Hansard when divining the legislative objective because there were no other signals to be found in the text or context of the statute. This also sends a strong message to governments \u2013 namely, that it may be prudent to state their objectives (in \u201csuccinct and precise\u201d terms) in the preamble of legislation, and thereby take a degree of control over the way in which Charter litigation unfolds later on. Expect more of these in the future.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

Do you have something to say about the article you just read? Be part of the <\/em>Policy Options discussion, and send in your own submission. <\/em>Here is a <\/em>link<\/em><\/a> on how to do it. |\u00a0<\/em>Souhaitez-vous r\u00e9agir \u00e0 cet article ?\u00a0 Joignez-vous aux d\u00e9bats d\u2019<\/em>Options politiques et soumettez-nous votre texte en suivant ces <\/em>directives<\/em><\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

On Friday, the Supreme Court of Canada\u00a0struck down\u00a0provisions of the\u00a0Truth in Sentencing Act\u00a0that limited the ability of sentencing judges to award \u201cenhanced credit\u201d for pre-trial time spent in jail. It did not do so on the basis that the provisions would lead to sentences that amount to cruel and unusual punishment under s. 12 of […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":913,"featured_media":293592,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"content-type":"","ep_exclude_from_search":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[],"article-status":[],"irpp-category":[],"section":[],"irpp-tag":[],"class_list":["post-293594","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nWatch your language: Supreme Court sends message to legislators<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/policyoptions.irpp.org\/fr\/2016\/04\/watch-your-language-supreme-court-sends-message-to-legislators\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"fr_FR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Watch your language: Supreme Court sends message to legislators\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"On Friday, the Supreme Court of Canada\u00a0struck down\u00a0provisions of the\u00a0Truth in Sentencing Act\u00a0that limited the ability of sentencing judges to award \u201cenhanced credit\u201d for pre-trial time spent in jail. 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