{"id":270074,"date":"2022-02-18T11:30:45","date_gmt":"2022-02-18T16:30:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/policyoptions.irpp.org\/issues\/three-deep-seated-drivers-of-the-convoy-and-what-we-can-do-about-them\/"},"modified":"2025-10-07T23:49:45","modified_gmt":"2025-10-08T03:49:45","slug":"three-deep-seated-drivers-of-the-convoy-and-what-we-can-do-about-them","status":"publish","type":"issues","link":"https:\/\/policyoptions.irpp.org\/fr\/2022\/02\/three-deep-seated-drivers-of-the-convoy-and-what-we-can-do-about-them\/","title":{"rendered":"Three deep-seated drivers of the convoy, and what we can do about them"},"content":{"rendered":"

Many Canadians are grappling with how to understand and address the convoy movement. As a first step, we must accept that the motivations of the lead organizers and other extremists<\/a>, and the grievances of their sympathizers, are not new or spontaneous. They are deeply seated and they predate COVID-19. Political science offers at least three overlapping lenses to view both the longer path that led us to this point, and the one to greater democratic stability.<\/p>\n

Status threat<\/strong><\/p>\n

The first element at play is the perceived loss of status <\/a>among members of a dominant societal group, namely working-class white men. This status threat is known to have contributed to the rise of Donald Trump in the United States<\/a> and Brexit in the United Kingdom<\/a>. More recently, it helps explain the origins of the 2021 U.S. Capitol riots<\/a>. In all of these cases, right-wing leaders used rhetoric to stoke fears among predominantly (but not exclusively) white, blue-collar men that they had become Strangers in their Own Land<\/em><\/a>, that their governments were leaving them behind<\/a>, and it was time to make their countries \u201cgreat again<\/a>.\u201d This language encourages a sense of nostalgia for an idealized version of the past that is significantly less inclusive than today in terms of gender, race, and ethnicity.<\/p>\n

So-called \u201cFreedom Convoy\u201d is a symptom of a deeply unequal society<\/a><\/p>\n

Convoys and protests: Anti-lockdown mobilization grows in Canada<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

These beliefs trigger an impulse to defend the dominant group against what are perceived to be nefarious forces that are often beyond its control. Drawing together Canadians from industries hardest-hit by the forces of globalization, the convoy movement has appealed to these anxieties<\/a> while simultaneously increasing fears<\/a> among many members of marginalized groups amid overt appeals<\/a> to white supremacy<\/a>. Of course, not all convoy sympathizers subscribe to white nationalist views; but many share the sense of status loss that lies at the heart of the movement.<\/p>\n

Tribalism<\/strong><\/p>\n

Status-threat mentality is related<\/a> to a second driver of the convoy movement — tribalism — which combines strong in-group loyalty with an intense fear of \u201cthe other.\u201d This \u201cus-versus- them\u201d approach contributes to a sense that one\u2019s opponents are not simply adversaries to be defeated in democratic contests, but rather enemies to be vanquished<\/a> and eliminated from the political sphere altogether.<\/p>\n

Tribalism goes beyond conventional partisanship. Tribalists often use absolutist rhetoric and images of war to mobilize their supporters. The use of violence<\/a> and \u201cshows of force<\/a>\u201d that we have seen during the convoy highlight the extent to which the movement is more than a platform for protest. Tribalist leaders lionize themselves as the \u201cgood guys\u201d and disparage their opponents as \u201ctraitors\u201d simply because they express opposing views. In this form of dog-eat-dog politics, the victories of one side come at the direct expense of the other, and there is no room for compromise. Ultimatums are absolute, with little hope (or intent) for diplomatic resolution.<\/p>\n

Losers\u2019 consent<\/strong><\/p>\n

If being tribal means treating your opponent as illegitimate, it follows that you will reject their victory when your \u201cenemy\u201d wins power. This \u201cproduces a situation where political violence is no longer seen as taboo, particularly among supporters of the losing political party<\/a>,\u201d according to Penn State political science professor James Piazza. Combined with a perceived loss of status — whereby there is a sense of hopelessness that \u201cyour side\u201d will have the opportunity to govern — this creates fertile ground for insurrection.<\/p>\n

This lack of losers\u2019 consent<\/a> has been at the forefront of the convoy movement from the beginning. Some convoy leaders raised money and collected more than 300,000 signatures based on their explicit intent to overthrow<\/a> a democratically elected government — a position they withdrew<\/a> only as the protests entered their third week.<\/p>\n

A lack of losers\u2019 consent<\/a> also manifests itself in positions short of sedition. Occupying the national capital on the grounds that governments must reverse public policy decisions that voters endorsed in an election only months prior is one. Right-wing media outlets seizing on an Elections Canada report<\/a> of uncounted mail-in ballots to sow doubt (and conspiracy theories) concerning the outcome of the 2021 federal election is another.<\/p>\n

Given the impact of these three driving forces, what can Canadians do to restabilize our democracy?<\/p>\n

Moving forward<\/strong><\/p>\n

Writing about similar populist undercurrents five years before the U.S. Capitol Hill insurrection, University of Wisconsin political scientist Katherine Cramer<\/a> left her readers with a singular hope: \u201cthat more and more people redirect the energy they use to engage with public issues away from criticizing their fellow citizens and toward improving the policy process to ensure that it is responsive to the needs of all people.\u201d<\/p>\n

To this end, Canadians wishing to reduce the sense of status loss, the intensity of tribalism, and the lack of losers\u2019 consent must take it upon themselves to demand more of policy-makers and of their fellow citizens.<\/p>\n

For starters, we need to take politics off social media and back to the physical public square. Most observers<\/a> point to the anonymity and echo chambers created by platforms like Facebook and Twitter as a leading cause of tribalism. This has led to calls for social media regulation<\/a> in order to reshape the ways we interact with people online.<\/p>\n

What American politics has taught us about democratic legitimacy<\/a><\/p>\n

Is there a \u201cgrand narrative\u201d of inequality in rich countries?<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

The pandemic has only exacerbated this siloing effect<\/a> by physically isolating people and making them less-inclined or able to engage with people who share opposing views. As we transition out of the pandemic, it will be crucial for elected officials to meaningfully engage the public in local democratic processes. This means resisting the temptation to stick solely to atomizing digital forms of engagement such as surveys and digital town halls. It means moving beyond elections, conventional one-way engagement exercises<\/a>, or referendums to get people face-to- face with one another in venues such as community leagues<\/a>, citizens\u2019 assemblies<\/a>, civil society groups<\/a> and, yes, political parties.<\/p>\n

This face-to-face interaction is crucial to rebuilding the trust ties<\/a> within our communities. We have found this in our own focus groups<\/a>, where progressives and conservatives have come together to develop \u201cCommon Ground<\/a>\u201d in Alberta politics. Unlike digital interactions, these face-to-face interactions are bound by time and space, and help facilitate greater levels of understanding and engagement between individuals.<\/p>\n

At the same time, it is important to recognize the limits of tolerance and acceptability in democracies like Canada. We should not integrate those espousing hate and intolerance into our public discourse, nor should we accept those willing to pursue power through non-democratic means. Citizens and leaders must call out these acts and actors as being extreme and, in many cases, unlawful. As philosopher Karl Popper<\/a> once famously put it, \u201cif we are not prepared to defend a tolerant society against the onslaught of the intolerant, then the tolerant will be destroyed, and tolerance with them.\u201d<\/p>\n

So, in addition to a reinvigoration of the physical public sphere, it is incumbent upon citizens and elected officials to bolster and, where needed, reform the foundational institutions of our democracy to withstand the destructive anti-elitist and anti-pluralist<\/a> tendencies of radical right-wing populism. Citizens, as much as their leaders, need to relearn and reaffirm our commitments to constitutional principles that promote rights and responsibilities through \u201cpeace, order, and good government.\u201d That means investing in inclusive civics education<\/a> at the school and post-secondary levels.<\/p>\n

To finish Cramer\u2019s thought<\/a>, \u201cThat is asking a lot. In an atmosphere of resentment, it is tough to take the high road and operate on a belief that all people are, at root, good and deserving of respect. Our current politics give little incentive for elected officials to pursue such behaviour. It is time that those of us with the power to vote demand it of them.\u201d<\/p>\n

In the months ahead, Canadians will have plenty of opportunity to signal their intentions in elections, leadership reviews, and party leadership races.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Many Canadians are grappling with how to understand and address the convoy movement. As a first step, we must accept that the motivations of the lead organizers and other extremists, and the grievances of their sympathizers, are not new or spontaneous. They are deeply seated and they predate COVID-19. 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