{"id":263760,"date":"2015-07-06T06:50:29","date_gmt":"2015-07-06T10:50:29","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/policyoptions.irpp.org\/issues\/short-cuts\/"},"modified":"2025-10-07T20:59:57","modified_gmt":"2025-10-08T00:59:57","slug":"short-cuts","status":"publish","type":"issues","link":"https:\/\/policyoptions.irpp.org\/fr\/2015\/07\/short-cuts\/","title":{"rendered":"Short Cuts"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"boyd\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cCANADA LAGS far behind the United States, the European Union, and Australia in enacting, implementing, and enforcing key laws and policies to prevent environmental impacts on health. Laws and regulations governing air quality, drinking water safety, pesticides, toxic substances, climate change, and biodiversity are weaker than in comparable wealthy nations. Unlike the United States, European Union, and Australia, Canada has no legally binding national standards for air quality or drinking water safety. Instead, Canada has voluntary guidelines…Despite their voluntary status, Canada’s air quality guidelines set weaker targets than the legally binding American, European, and Australian standards for five out of six air pollutants…National guidelines for Canadian drinking water are not only voluntary but also numerically weaker and less comprehensive than the legally binding standards in other jurisdictions.\u201d<\/p>\n

David R. Boyd, <\/em>Cleaner, Greener, Healthier: A Prescription for Stronger Canadian Environmental Laws and Policies, from the conclusion (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2015). <\/em><\/p>\n

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\"bibeau\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00ab PEU IMPORTE LE LIEU et l’\u00e9poque, les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s \u2014 quelles que soient les croyances en cause \u2014 n’ont jamais pu annuler les potentiels de destruction \u00e0 l’\u0153uvre dans l’humanit\u00e9 ; aucune soci\u00e9t\u00e9 n’a pu en finir avec la domination des privil\u00e9gi\u00e9s sur les groupes situ\u00e9s plus bas dans la hi\u00e9rarchie sociale. Par contre, il faut reconna\u00eetre que nulle soci\u00e9t\u00e9 n’a jamais v\u00e9cu dans l’illusion qu’elle pourrait d\u00e9finitivement mettre fin au d\u00e9cha\u00eenement de la violence. Plut\u00f4t que de simplement faire de la morale autour de la question de la violence l\u00e9gitime et de la guerre juste, il faut nous atteler a d\u00e9monter les m\u00e9canismes de la violence, d\u00e9busquer ses d\u00e9bordements dans le champ du politique et interroger les limites de l’\u00e9thique, du droit et de la religion, qui se sont mis ensemble, pour essayer de la baliser sans jamais basculer dans l’illusoire pr\u00e9tention de pouvoir en \u00e9liminer les sources ou m\u00eame d’en contr\u00f4ler toutes les d\u00e9rives destructrices. \u00bb<\/p>\n

Gilles Bibeau, <\/em>G\u00e9n\u00e9alogie de la violence \u2014 Le terrorisme : pi\u00e8ge pour la pens\u00e9e (Montr\u00e9al, M\u00e9moire d’encrier, 2015, p. 34).<\/em><\/p>\n

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\"poelzer\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cCANADIANS NEED to get serious about being treaty peoples and realize that the responsibility for doing so lies with everyone, not just with governments and the courts. Beyond legal and contractual requirements, beyond the complex negotiation of land claims and self-government agreements, Canadians must treat Aboriginal people with respect and understanding. The treaty system in Canada is first and foremost a pact between cultures and peoples and only secondarily a set of legal documents defining relationships between governments and First Nations. In the spirit of moving Canada along a new path, we offer Canadians a road map for change. This book is our attempt to break the logjam, to move beyond rhetoric and finger pointing, and to delve into the art of the possible. Canada can and must do better. Aboriginal governments and peoples can and must do better, even if the weight of history falls disproportionately on their shoulders. Canada needs new ideas and a new level of commitment.<\/p>\n

Greg Poelzer and Ken S. Coates, <\/em>From Treaty Peoples to Treaty Nation, from the preface (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2015). <\/em><\/p>\n

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\"pearson\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cWHILE THE REALITY OF INDIGENOUS filmmaking is complex…there remains some basic truth to the notion that, for most of the twentieth century, Indigenous peoples were situated in front of, not behind, the lens. We have called this anthology Reverse Shots<\/em> as a way of bringing to bear several observations about Indigenous cinemas, including that the ways in which Indigenous filmmaking reverses or modifies the relationship between camera and subject are commonly reflected in titles of books about Indigenous films: Beverly R. Singer’s Wiping the War Paint off the Lens<\/em>, Kerstin Knopf’s Decolonizing the Lens of Power<\/em>, Corinn Columpar’s Unsettling Sights<\/em>. Titles like these emphasize how Indigenous peoples in many different regions around the globe have seized control of the camera…to create \u201creverse\u201d representations as projects of unsettling and decolonizing settler-colonial cultures.\u201d<\/p>\n

Wendy Gay Pearson and Susan Knabe, eds., <\/em>Reverse Shots: Indigenous Film and Media in an International Context, from the introduction (Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2015). <\/em><\/p>\n

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\"keren\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cWHILE THE AUTHORS IN THIS VOLUME do comment upon the social role of the public intellectual, their main concern is with fundamental questions about the basic concepts of truth, knowledge, and power in the contemporary public sphere. Technology is not regarded merely as an enabler of communication but as yet another embodiment of powers that seek to shape and mobilize public opinion to various ends. Much as intellectual life is no guarantor of virtue, neither is access to the public sphere through new technology a guarantor of independence or objectivity, much less veracity. Thus, the authors are concerned less with what public intellectuals are or what they say than with what underpins the credibility of interveners in the public sphere who seek to influence issues of the day with appeals to symbols and ideas.\u201d<\/p>\n

Michael Keren and Richard Hawkins, eds., <\/em>Speaking Power to Truth: Digital Discourse and the Public Intellectual, from the introduction (Edmonton: Athabasca University Press, forthcoming).<\/em><\/p>\n

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\"david\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00ab LES CONSEILLERS pour la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 nationale ont progressivement acquis un statut in\u00e9gal\u00e9 et une influence consid\u00e9rable, contrastant ainsi avec la lettre et l’esprit du National Security Act<\/em> de 1947. Jamais ses fondateurs n’avaient envisag\u00e9 une telle \u00e9volution. Toutefois, aucune loi ne pouvait v\u00e9ritablement encadrer l’\u00e9volution du contexte international et les besoins croissants du pr\u00e9sident. D\u00e9sormais, un conseiller influent para\u00eet \u00eatre la cl\u00e9 de vo\u00fbte d’une politique \u00e9trang\u00e8re r\u00e9ussie, tout en sachant que l’influence trop grande du conseiller pour la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 nationale est susceptible de faire subir \u00e0 la diplomatie am\u00e9ricaine les contrecoups d’une marginalisation excessive des acteurs traditionnels de la prise de d\u00e9cision. Le pr\u00e9sident doit donc trouver un juste \u00e9quilibre et, pour ce faire, choisir son conseiller avec soin, entre dirigisme et effacement excessif. \u00bb<\/p>\n

Charles-Philippe David, <\/em>Au sein de la Maison-Blanche \u2014 De Truman \u00e0 Obama : la formulation (impr\u00e9visible) de la politique \u00e9trang\u00e8re des \u00c9tats-Unis (Presses de l’Universit\u00e9 Laval, 2015, p. 999). <\/em><\/p>\n

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\"lacroix\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00ab LES UNIVERSIT\u00c9S CANADIENNES se d\u00e9marquent pourtant sur le plan international, nous l’avons \u00e9tabli, par l’importance relative de la part de la recherche nationale ex\u00e9cut\u00e9e en milieu universitaire. Dans aucun autre pays de l’OCDE ne trouve-t-on une part aussi importante des d\u00e9penses nationales pour la recherche universitaire. Cet avantage ne semble malheureusement pas se traduire en un rendement plus exceptionnel du taux annuel de la diplomation doctorale \u00e0 laquelle contribuent bon an mal an les universit\u00e9s canadiennes.<\/p>\n

De plus, de tous les pays de l’OCDE, le Canada est celui o\u00f9 l’on trouve au tournant du si\u00e8cle la proportion la plus \u00e9lev\u00e9e d’\u00e9trangers parmi tous ses d\u00e9tenteurs de doctorat. Il est le seul pays o\u00f9 plus d’un docteur sur deux est \u00e9tranger. \u00bb<\/p>\n

Robert Lacroix et Louis Maheu,<\/em> Les grandes universit\u00e9s de recherche : institutions autonomes dans un environnement concurrentiel (Les Presses de l’Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al, 2015, p. 306). <\/em><\/p>\n

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\"doern\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cTHE HARPER ERA started, via its 2006 Accountability Act, as a self-proclaimed accountability government but it has morphed into something quite different…Chapter 2 shows the continuing secrecy and non-accountable practices regarding public service cuts. The…assessment in chapter 3 of the first five years of the parliamentary budget officer (PBO) also draws attention to similar barriers and also to the failure of the government to make the PBO into a true parliamentary office…when Harper and PCO officials had instead lodged it within the Parliamentary Library. And most telling of all is the Harper era’s concerted effort to muzzle federal scientists and related policy evidence both as an aspect of its hyper attack politics and continuous campaigning strategy and the nature of its science budget and program cuts.\u201d<\/p>\n

Bruce Doern and Christopher Stoney, eds., <\/em>How Ottawa Spends, 2014-15: The Harper Government \u2014 Good to Go? (Published for the School of Public Policy and Administration, Carleton University, by McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2014, 19.)<\/em><\/p>\n

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\"boothe\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cTHIS BOOK EXPLAINS why Canada lacks a broad, nationwide program for the public provision of pharmaceuticals by comparing Canadian policy development to that of the United Kingdom and Australia, both of which have national, universal pharmaceutical programs…It offers an explanation based on the pace of change \u00a0\u2014 whether countries develop their health systems all at once, in a radical \u201cbig bang\u201d approach to policy, or take a slower, incremental approach and adopt one health service at a time. It argues that the pace of change has a crucial influence on the way political elites and the public think about health policy, and… these ideas in turn can act as a significant barrier to later policy development and change.\u201d<\/p>\n

Katherine Boothe, <\/em>Ideas and the Pace of Change: National Pharmaceutical Insurance in Canada, Australia, and the United Kingdom (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015, 4). <\/em><\/p>\n

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\"mc<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00ab LA VALORISATION de la ma\u00eetrise et de l’usage du fran\u00e7ais chez les \u00e9l\u00e8ves issus de l’immigration doit cependant \u00eatre men\u00e9e en compl\u00e9mentarit\u00e9, et non en opposition, avec les autres ressources langagi\u00e8res et culturelles qui font partie du bagage de ces jeunes. Dans l’ensemble de l’ouvrage, les t\u00e9moignages du lien n\u00e9cessaire et pertinent entre la langue d’origine et la langue de scolarisation abondent. Ces r\u00e9sultats positifs doivent \u00eatre mieux connus par l’ensemble des d\u00e9cideurs et des intervenants scolaires, et m\u00eame par les parents immigrants et les organismes qui les soutiennent, dans un contexte o\u00f9 une vision soustractive du rapport entre les langues est encore fr\u00e9quemment r\u00e9pandue. \u00bb<\/p>\n

Marie Mc Andrew et l’\u00e9quipe du GRI\u00c9S, <\/em>La r\u00e9ussite \u00e9ducative des \u00e9l\u00e8ves issus de l’immigration : dix ans de recherche et d’intervention au Qu\u00e9bec (Les Presses de l’Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al, 2015, p. 292-293). <\/em><\/p>\n

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\"hayden\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cTHE SET OF ALTERNATIVES I explore with greatest interest are those that embody ideas of sufficiency, and which question the necessity and desirability of infinitely growing production and consumption… One early voice of sufficiency was economist John Kenneth Galbraith…who asked \u201cHow much should a country consume?\u201d: \u201cIf we are concerned about our great appetite for materials, it is plausible to decrease waste, to make better use of stocks available, and to develop substitutes. But what about the appetite itself? Surely this is the ultimate source of the problem. If it continues on its geometric course, will it not one day have to be restrained? Yet in the literature of the resource problem this is the forbidden question.\u201d<\/p>\n

Anders Hayden, <\/em>When Green Growth Is Not Enough: Climate Change, Ecological Modernization, and Sufficiency, from the introduction (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2015).<\/em><\/p>\n

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\"geist\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cTHE CHAPTER EXAMINES the phenomenon of Canada-to-US-to-Canada boomerang traffic, focusing specifically on the privacy and related risks associated with the NSA surveillance as well as the policy implications and remedial responses… [We]show how surveillance capabilities can be built into relatively few \u201cchoke points\u201d yet capture the great bulk of Internet traffic. In contradistinction to the common metaphor of the Internet as a spaceless, featureless \u201ccloud,\u201d we demonstrate that, with interception points in under twenty major cities, the NSA is capable of intercepting a large proportion of US Internet traffic. We turn then to Canadian Internet routing patterns, showing that boomerang routing is commonplace, that such routing exposes Canadians’ data to NSA surveillance, and that Internet users across Canada conducting a wide range of everyday communications are subject to it.\u201d<\/p>\n

Michael Geist, ed., <\/em>Law, Privacy and Surveillance in Canada in the Post-Snowden Era, from the introduction (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 2015). <\/em><\/p>\n

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\"gotzsche\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00ab PRESQUE TOUTE LA SCIENCE fondamentale qui soutient le progr\u00e8s de la m\u00e9decine moderne se d\u00e9veloppe dans le secteur \u00e0 but non lucratif, dans les universit\u00e9s, les instituts de recherche et les laboratoires gouvernementaux. Un rapport du Congr\u00e8s des \u00c9tats-Unis de l’an 2000 soulignait que \u201cdes 21 m\u00e9dicaments les plus importants lanc\u00e9s entre 1965 et 1992, 15 avaient \u00e9t\u00e9 mis au point \u00e0 partir de connaissances et de techniques provenant de la recherche financ\u00e9e par le gouvernement f\u00e9d\u00e9ral\u201d. D’autres \u00e9tudes arrivent \u00e0 des conclusions similaires, par exemple qu’au moins 80 % de 35 m\u00e9dicaments majeurs \u00e9taient fond\u00e9s sur des d\u00e9couvertes r\u00e9alis\u00e9es par la recherche d’organismes du secteur public. \u00bb<\/p>\n

Peter C. G\u00f8tzsche, <\/em>Rem\u00e8des mortels et crim\u00e9 organis\u00e9 : comment l’industrie pharmaceutique a corrompu les services de sant\u00e9 (Presses de l’Universit\u00e9 Laval, 2015, p. 354-355). <\/em><\/p>\n

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\"guirguis-younger\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201c[H]OMELESSNESS has been increasingly characterized as Canada’s most significant public health challenge…and yet no book or edited collection has unpacked the relationship between homelessness and health to identify potential solutions. This book seeks to remedy this by bringing together, for the first time, contributions by leading and emerging Canadian researchers exploring the relationship between homelessness and health. While fully accounting for the impact of homelessness on health lies beyond the scope of any one project, this book disentangles many important dimensions of this relationship. Accordingly, it has considerable potential to inform the response to one of Canada’s enduring social challenges and, to that end, contributors have linked their chapters to policy and practice recommendations.\u201d<\/p>\n

Manal Guirguis-Younger, Ryan McNeil and Stephen W. Hwang, eds., <\/em>Homelessness and Health in Canada, from the introduction (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 2014).<\/em><\/p>\n

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\"bailey\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cAS WE PROCEEDED through the various phases of the eGirls Project, we were struck by how often decontextualized, individualistic accounts of technology and of girls surfaced. These narrow accounts seemed predestined to breed the kinds of unidimensional utopian\/dystopian descriptions of and predictions about the impact of digital communications technologies on lived equality for girls and young women that had inspired the eGirls Project in the first place… We imagined developing an approach grounded in the voices and experiences of girls and young women that sought neither to infantilize them nor to responsibilize them, but rather to respond to their own perceptions of their seamlessly integrated online\/offline existences in a supportive, empathetic way. We hoped this approach could help to break policy free from abstract, objectified narratives and instead ground new reforms premised on girls’ and young women’s situated knowledge and experiences.\u201d<\/p>\n

Jane Bailey and Valerie Steeves, eds., <\/em>eGirls, eCitizens, from the introduction (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 2015)<\/em><\/p>\n

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\"derriennic\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00ab L’AMPLITUDE DES IN\u00c9GALIT\u00c9S \u00e9conomiques internationales est aujourd’hui bien plus grande qu’entre les citoyens d’un m\u00eame pays. Ces in\u00e9galit\u00e9s sont un obstacle majeur \u00e0 la mise en place de lois mondiales efficaces dans des domaines o\u00f9 celles-ci sont devenues indispensables. Par exemple, la r\u00e9glementation des migrations peut assez facilement \u00eatre \u00e0 la fois lib\u00e9rale et juste pour la circulation des personnes entre les pays qui ont \u00e0 peu pr\u00e8s le m\u00eame niveau de revenu par habitant, mais elle cr\u00e9e plus de contraintes et beaucoup plus d’injustices quand ces pays sont \u00e9conomiquement tr\u00e8s in\u00e9gaux. Des lois efficaces pour limiter la pollution de l’atmosph\u00e8re n’auraient pas les m\u00eames cons\u00e9quences pour ceux qui font pr\u00e9sentement leur r\u00e9volution industrielle et pour ceux qui vivent dans des pays o\u00f9 elle a \u00e9t\u00e9 faite il y a plus d’un si\u00e8cle. \u00bb<\/p>\n

Jean-Pierre Derriennic, <\/em>Essai sur les injustices (Presses de l’Universit\u00e9 Laval, 2015, p. 304-305). <\/em><\/p>\n

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\"savoie\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cI SET OUT to answer a number of questions, all designed to help us understand better what government is good at. How do national political institutions define the common interest? Has it been possible to reconcile governing from the centre and blame-avoidance with new public management measures? Have efforts to make the public sector look like the private sector been successful? How have governments been able to reconcile New Public Management measures with new accountability and oversight requirements? How can we explain the growth of citizen disenchantment with government over the past thirty years? Is the disenchantment tied to failing government performance? How do governments know if their activities have been successful? Were governments in Western democracies better at getting things done fifty years ago than they are today? If so, why?\u201d<\/p>\n

Donald J. Savoie, <\/em>What Is Government Good At? A Canadian Answer, from the introduction (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2015).<\/em><\/p>\n

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\"marcil\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00ab PRIVATISER LE CONTRAT SOCIAL en s’en remettant aux r\u00e9gimes priv\u00e9s individuels (ou collectifs, mais \u00e0 cotisation d\u00e9termin\u00e9e, et de plus en plus sans participation de l’employeur) \u00e9rode le lien de solidarit\u00e9 sociale qui pr\u00e9suppose l’interd\u00e9pendance de tous envers chacun. L’individualisation de l’\u00e9pargne-retraite renie ce principe et nous \u00e9loigne d’une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 juste.<\/p>\n

\u00c0 l’heure du tout au march\u00e9, de l’individualisme d\u00e9brid\u00e9 et du peu de soucis qu’on se fait pour notre avenir collectif (\u00e0 tous les niveaux), les r\u00e9gimes publics de retraite, avant tous les autres, ne constituent pas uniquement des outils financiers pour assurer la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 \u00e9conomique des citoyens : ils participent d’un v\u00e9ritable projet politique. \u00bb<\/p>\n

Ianik Marcil, \u00ab<\/em> Prot\u00e9ger le bien commun<\/em> \u00bb, dans Normand Baillargeon (dir.), <\/em>L’assaut contre les retraites : discours catastrophistes, r\u00e9formes r\u00e9actionnaires et droit \u00e0 une retraite d\u00e9cente (M \u00c9diteur, 2015, p. 24-25). <\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u201cCANADA LAGS far behind the United States, the European Union, and Australia in enacting, implementing, and enforcing key laws and policies to prevent environmental impacts on health. Laws and regulations governing air quality, drinking water safety, pesticides, toxic substances, climate change, and biodiversity are weaker than in comparable wealthy nations. Unlike the United States, European […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":233820,"template":"","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"content-type":"","ep_exclude_from_search":false,"apple_news_api_created_at":"2025-10-08T01:00:01Z","apple_news_api_id":"ab74a5f8-87ec-4a1b-8677-4bebf2513930","apple_news_api_modified_at":"2025-10-08T01:00:01Z","apple_news_api_revision":"AAAAAAAAAAD\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/w==","apple_news_api_share_url":"https:\/\/apple.news\/Aq3Sl-IfsShuGd0vr8lE5MA","apple_news_cover_media_provider":"image","apple_news_coverimage":0,"apple_news_coverimage_caption":"","apple_news_cover_video_id":0,"apple_news_cover_video_url":"","apple_news_cover_embedwebvideo_url":"","apple_news_is_hidden":"","apple_news_is_paid":"","apple_news_is_preview":"","apple_news_is_sponsored":"","apple_news_maturity_rating":"","apple_news_metadata":"\"\"","apple_news_pullquote":"","apple_news_pullquote_position":"","apple_news_slug":"","apple_news_sections":[],"apple_news_suppress_video_url":false,"apple_news_use_image_component":false},"categories":[9356,9358],"tags":[],"article-status":[],"irpp-category":[4295],"section":[],"irpp-tag":[],"class_list":["post-263760","issues","type-issues","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-non-classifiee","category-politique","irpp-category-politique"],"acf":[],"apple_news_notices":[],"yoast_head":"\nShort Cuts<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/policyoptions.irpp.org\/fr\/2015\/07\/short-cuts\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"fr_FR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Short Cuts\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"\u201cCANADA LAGS far behind the United States, the European Union, and Australia in enacting, implementing, and enforcing key laws and policies to prevent environmental impacts on health. Laws and regulations governing air quality, drinking water safety, pesticides, toxic substances, climate change, and biodiversity are weaker than in comparable wealthy nations. 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Laws and regulations governing air quality, drinking water safety, pesticides, toxic substances, climate change, and biodiversity are weaker than in comparable wealthy nations. 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