{"id":261446,"date":"2002-05-01T04:00:00","date_gmt":"2002-05-01T08:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/policyoptions.irpp.org\/issues\/30-years-of-irpp-publications\/"},"modified":"2025-10-07T19:28:30","modified_gmt":"2025-10-07T23:28:30","slug":"30-years-of-irpp-publications","status":"publish","type":"issues","link":"https:\/\/policyoptions.irpp.org\/fr\/2002\/05\/30-years-of-irpp-publications\/","title":{"rendered":"30 ans de publications sign\u00e9es IRPP"},"content":{"rendered":"

1977-78<\/h2>\n

The Canadian Condition:\u00a0A Guide to Research in Public Policy<\/em><\/h3>\n

The Institute is a learning body and, accordingly, its reading of the Canadian reality will become more accurate, more specific, more sophisticated as time goes on\u2014 not to mention that reality changes as well. The purpose of [this] exercise is to provide a perspective from which to identify problem areas and projects.<\/p>\n

The following six phenomena have been identified:<\/p>\n

a) The changing configuration of centres of power and influence affecting\u00a0public policy;<\/p>\n

b) The changing economic structure internally and internationally, and the\u00a0related change in the availability of natural resources;<\/p>\n

c) The growing importance of publicly shared conditions, positive and\u00a0negative, in a world of interdependence;<\/p>\n

d) The existence of unbalanced social transactions in a society in which\u00a0individuals exist in relation to organizations;<\/p>\n

e) The changing social identities and expectations and resulting attempts to\u00a0find a more meaningful place and role in society;<\/p>\n

f) The changing role of the state with regard to individual citizens and to\u00a0economic institutions.<\/p>\n

\u201d\u201dRaymond Breton, 1977<\/em>\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Canadian Population Trends and Public Policy Through the 1980s<\/em><\/h3>\n

The federal government appears to be encouraging Canadians to think explicitly about population growth and size as aspects of the determination of \u201cwhat Canada wants\u201d in the years ahead. Some explicit concern about the range within which Canada’s population growth path should lie during the immediate and longer future does seem to be inevitable in mapping a network of Canadian social\u00a0policy targets.<\/p>\n

Already there are some who contend\u00a0that metropolitan areas such as Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver have earned the right to be treated more extensively as quasiindependent units that could deal directly with the federal level of government.<\/p>\n

\u201d\u201dLeroy O. Stone and Claude Marceau, 1977<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

The Legislative Process in Canada: The Need for Reform<\/em><\/h3>\n

W.A.W. Neilson and J.C. MacPherson, eds., 1978<\/h3>\n

As a class of citizens, M.P.’s regularly receive more abuse than they deserve. Part of that abuse is due to ignorance on the part of some commentators.\u00a0John Reid is correct in his attempt to counter the popular image, often conveyed by journalists and some academics, of M.P.’s as a tribe whose emblem is servitude; who regularly and passively accept the will of their ministers irrespective of their own opinions and\/or the wishes of their constituents … Many critics of Parliament, and some scholars who adopt a \u201cscoreboard\u201d approach towards parliamentary effectiveness, tend to mistake debates, amendments and votes on the floor of the House and in the standing committees for all of the legislative process.<\/p>\n

\u201d\u201dPaul G. Thomas<\/em><\/p>\n

The fact that Parliament is under-reported and underappreciated by the media does not lessen the media’s influence on the legislative process. If anything, the reverse seems to be true. So rarely does the press concentrate its full attention on the legislative system that, when it does, the effect is quite pronounced.<\/p>\n

No discussion of the influence of the media would be complete without reference to the televising of Parliament. Television in the House is too recent a phenomenon to permit more than the most tentative appraisal. To my mind, however, television has had three effects. First, it has heightened the profile of the Leader of the Opposition. Prior to television, in the House, Joe Clark seemed to occupy a notch a slot below and a slot behind the Prime Minister. Now, however, he is seen every day to be sharing the same stage with Trudeau. He is on his feet, questioning the Prime Minister as an equal, rather than as an inferior to a superior. Television, I suspect, has made Clark appear to be more an alternative to Trudeau than he appeared before. To a lesser degree, the same is true of Ed Broadbent, the leader of the New Democratic Party. Second, television has increased the credibility of Opposition M.P.’s in general, and of the major Opposition critics, in particular. Canadians have a fairly good idea of who federal ministers are and they have an impression as to their ability. Outside their own regions, however, most Opposition members are an unknown quantity. Television has introduced the country to a new cast of parliamentary performers\u201d\u201dM.P.’s such as Flora MacDonald, Sinclair Stevens, Elmer MacKay, Bill Jarvis, John Fraser, Jim Gillies, Lincoln Alexander, Walter Baker, among many others. Viewers have an opportunity to see and to judge the alternative government\u201d\u201dwhich may be helpful, or harmful, to the Opposition.<\/p>\n

\u201d\u201dGeoffrey Stevens<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

1979\u00a0<\/h2>\n

The Future of North America: Canada,\u00a0<\/em>The United States, and Quebec Nationalism<\/em><\/h3>\n

Elliot J. Feldman and Neil Nevitte, eds.<\/h3>\n

The results of over 110 years of Canadian federal institutions,\u00a0with their consistent preferences in economic and development policies, have led Quebec to build a strong feeling of being\u00a0too often overlooked and neglected and even the object of discrimination. The feeling is essentially one of a colonial people\u00a0(although no doubt a well-fed colonial people). As in other countries where an important segment, though smaller than the majority, feels more or less cooped up, depending on circumstances, in institutions that are controlled outside themselves, we in Quebec are an inner colony.<\/p>\n

The federal system, modern style, was invented by Americans; it was a free people, recently emancipated, that invented its own set of institutions. In our case, the story was not exactly the same. In Canada, one hundred years later, there was not much debate, nor much consultation. There was certainly no great interest except among Canadian Pacific lawyers and other railroad builders.<\/p>\n

When people start, subtly or otherwise, to give us lessons in basic democracy, they should come to see how democracy now works in Quebec. We are the most staunchly dedicated to democracy of all parties anywhere in the Western world. We intend to keep government clean.<\/p>\n

\u201d\u201dRen\u00e9 L\u00e9vesque<\/em><\/p>\n

There are several alternatives for dealing with the foreign control problem. The one I have suggested from time to time is that members of the Canadian Parliament should express by resolution the view that the foreign owners of the larger Canadian subsidiary companies should gradually over a period of years sell out to Canadians.<\/p>\n

\u201d\u201dWalter Gordon<\/em><\/p>\n

Ibelieve that since Quebecers are already accustomed to a high standard of living, they will refuse to give up economic union with the rest of Canada. But one cannot ignore the fact that if Quebec voters strongly support the reelected Liberals at the federal level and again support the federalist position in the referendum, some could possibly be disposed to balance federalist inclinations by voting the P.Q. into a second term in office.<\/p>\n

\u201d\u201dRobert Bourassa<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

Perspectives on Canadian Airline Regulation<\/em><\/h3>\n

G.B. Reschenthaler\u00a0and B. Roberts, eds.<\/h3>\n

What does the average person know abut the regulation of domestic air travel? The average Canadian will likely respond that within Canada air travel is expensive and for some reason needs intensive regulation by government. He will be vaguely aware that a revolution in the regulation of air transportation is occurring in the U.S., a revolution that has resulted in a bonanza of discount air fares for United States citizens, a revolution that has provided air transportation between a few city pairs at a price only slightly more expensive than bus travel. He will also be aware that the same revolution in the regulation of air transportation\u00a0seems to be passing Canada by.<\/p>\n

Canada faces serious transportation problems, in part because its regulatory approach is far out of balance. The overreliance on the anti-competitive approach to airline regulation poses problems both internally and externally. Close government regulation of prices and routes results in a high frequency of service, service inflation, uneconomic service to some communities, low average system load factors, high air fares,\u00a0and poor traffic growth.<\/p>\n

\u201d\u201dBruce Roberts<\/em><\/p>\n

Regulation is not necessarily evil protectionism. Airlines provide a common carrier service which is essential. That means there must be some form of regulation. Variation in demand means that if there is to be any kind of satisfactory year-round service, there must be regulation. The fact that there are unresolved problems, that this segment or that is facing a \u201ccrisis,\u201d is not an argument against regulation\u00a0or the regulators.<\/p>\n

\u201d\u201dR.J. Lafreni\u00e8re<\/em><\/p>\n

Canada in the New Monetary Order: Borrow? Devalue? Restructure!<\/em><\/h3>\n

Canada has let its dollar sink as an alternative to further borrowing. Financial officials no doubt hope that some dollar parity may exist to balance the country’s international payments while simultaneously serving its domestic growth objective. However, depreciation can be expected to have only a marginal effect on improving the balance of payments\u201d\u201dwhile dampening domestic\u00a0prosperity.<\/p>\n

\u201d\u201dMichael Hudson<\/em><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

1980<\/h2>\n

The Way Out<\/em><\/h3>\n

It is almost impossible to determine the total amount of subsidization in the economy today. While adding up transfer payments to individuals and grants to firms provided by all levels of government would represent the initial step in the analysis, there would also have to be an accounting of all \u201cfree\u201d or\u00a0partially costed and priced goods and services exchanged within the economy … Even if such a study could be conducted it would only terminate in some horrendous sum the economic ramifications of which would defy the most imaginative interpretation.<\/p>\n

There is no doubt that it will be difficult for governments to convince their citizens that paying for certain services which are currently provided \u201cfree of charge\u201d or at less than full cost has definite advantages over accepting something for nothing. Little can be offered here as to how to increase public recognition that there is no such thing as a \u201cfree lunch.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201d\u201dA.R. Bailey and D.G. Hull<\/em><\/p>\n

Official-Language Populations in Canada: Patterns and Contacts<\/em><\/h3>\n

Throughout the bilingual zone of Quebec, one was left with the image that the strength and pervasiveness of the English language was generally out of proportion with the distribution of people of British origin and English\u00a0mother tongue. In many counties where the people of English mother tongue constituted less than half the population, the language intensity for English was greater than that for French.<\/p>\n

The efforts of the federal government to promote both \u201cofficial languages\u201d were dismissed [in Quebec]; institutional bilingualism was interpreted as a \u201csmoke screen\u201d that was unable to hide the fact that Canada was truly an English-speaking state. Institutions and the entire social fabric of Quebec were considered to be essential elements to the extension of the use of French … It seemed that the [federal] government had been correct in maintaining bilingual districts as an essential part of its language legislation. If the trend towards language loss within French language islands was to be moderated, the designation of districts appeared again to be urgent. In spite of this evidence, it must be put forth that bilingual districts may not suit the needs of the minority within language islands. There is a possibility that such designation would actually exacerbate the position of francophones beyond Quebec and the bilingual zone.<\/p>\n

\u201d\u201dDonald G. Cartwright<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

Why Disunity? An Analysis of Linguistic and Regional Cleavages in Canada<\/em><\/h3>\n

The full powers of the federal government used in harmonious concert with those of the provincial government were directed to the promotion and encouragement of\u00a0organizations in Ontario. For that reason, the organizational structure of Ontario, in particular in commerce, industry, and finance, but also in other domains, such as universities, publishing, news agencies, broadcasting, has always been, and still is, better developed than anywhere else in Canada.<\/p>\n

It is not an accident, therefore, that the population of Quebec and western Canada were said to be alienated from their government in Ottawa. The word alienation to describe that reality must have originated in Ontario, since the fact that it was used to describe the outcome of something real precluded it being used elsewhere.<\/p>\n

However that may be, a successful redistribution of organizational power through regional development policies is bound to provoke more resistance than strictly redistributional policies since … such policies also alter the distribution of organizational power.<\/p>\n

\u201d\u201dAlbert Breton and Raymond Breton<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

General Guidelines Relating to the Research Programs and Operations of the Institute for Research on Public Policy<\/em><\/h3>\n

The Institute’s target audience varies from project to project but includes:<\/p>\n

    \n
  • \n

    members of federal and provincial legislatures, together with their advisors;<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  • \n

    senior government officials in federal, provincial and municipal governments;<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  • \n

    senior corporate executives;<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  • \n

    leaders of major organizations in Canada, including\u00a0labour unions, voluntary associations, etc.;<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  • \n

    scholars, researchers, teachers and students; and<\/p>\n<\/li>\n

  • \n

    the electronic and print news and public affairs\u00a0correspondance.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1981<\/h2>\n

    The Politics and Management of Restraint in Government<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Peter Aucoin, ed.<\/h3>\n

    Is restraint in government the catalyst to a new political era of reduced governments in all its dimensions\u201d\u201dexpenditures, staff, and interventions?<\/p>\n

    It ought not to surprise us that the emergence of the\u00a0\u201crestraint in government\u201d phenomenon should have an appeal\u00a0across Canada and for both orders of government. In short, all\u00a0Canadian governments are now witnessing (1) a loss of faith in government that is not unlike an earlier loss of faith in private institutions, (2) a restructuring of the balance of interests that underlie our socio-economic order, and (3) a challenge to our structures of government that are perceived to be bureaucratic empires unresponsive to public opinion or political direction.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dPeter Aucoin<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

    Canada’s Competition Policy Revisited: Some New Thoughts on an Old Story<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Massive public regulation provides no simple answer, indeed, it carries its own serious threat to this country’s system of democratic pluralism…Canadian merger law was once grossly inadequate; thanks largely to simplistic court interpretation, it is now a farce. Despite the inroads of direct government control, Canada’s private sector remains big enough to provide significant coverage\u00a0for competition policy.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dIrving Brecher<\/em><\/p>\n

    Regionalism and Supranationalism<\/em><\/h3>\n

    David Cameron, ed.<\/h3>\n

    As critics have pointed out, the constitutional distribution of powers between two orders of government has meant that federal systems have been marked by complexity, legalism, rigidity, conservatism, and expense in their operation. It has even been argued that because federations are conservative political systems representing delicate balances of internal power, they tend to be \u201cclosed\u201d toward the outside world and less open to even wider supranational associations.<\/p>\n

    In most multicultural federations, as in Canada, regional, linguistic, or cultural groups have developed a deep-rooted anxiety that, because of the pervasive impact of public economic policy upon all aspects of society, centralized fiscal and economic policies aiming at the rapid development of an\u00a0integrated economy will\u00a0undermine their cultural distinctiveness and\u00a0opportunities for employment in culturally\u00a0congenial conditions.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dRonald Watts<\/em>\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

    Sovereign People or Sovereign Governments<\/em><\/h3>\n

    H.V. Kroeker, ed.<\/h3>\n

    The participatory eggs laid in the political activism in the\u00a01960s came home to roost in the late 1970s as very tough\u00a0and angry chickens. Without major reforms to improve citizen\u00a0participation in government policy making, the early 1980s\u00a0could have all the bitterness and blood of a cock fight.<\/p>\n

    Without careful attention to the effects of expanded citizen participation and the \u201crights\u201d that are attached to it, the ability of elected politicians to govern could seriously be impaired and eventually lead to government paralysis and inaction…<\/p>\n

    The concern about the ability of governments to govern is also a concern that the process of governing in democracies must most clearly and visibly vest power an responsibility with elected governments.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dH. V. Kroeker<\/em><\/p>\n

    If we are right to assume, as we all seem to, that we are sticking with representative government, that means sticking with political parties; and they, of course, are the central failures of our system. When we hold a seminar about citizen involvement, what we are saying, fundamentally, is that the political parties are not what, in the theory of representative government, they should be. Our parties have succeeded in bridging the country after a fashion but only be being non-ideological machines. The last thing they want of their membership is policy involvement. More precisely, they do not like it and they bother only occasionally even to pretend seriously to want it, in certain special circumstances, but never for very long and certainly not when in office. Those facts have a very large part in present popular frustration. They are the reason why many people are looking for substitutes for political parties.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dTom Kent<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1982<\/h2>\n

    Regulatory Reform in Canada<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Two and one-half years ago the Economic Council of Canada asked, \u201cwho can be against regulatory reform?\u201d and continued by saying, \u201cThe evocative characteristics of the word \u201d\u02dcreform’ alone should be enough to indicate the side on which the angels stand.\u201d In focusing our attention on the prospects for reforming direct regulation in Canada, we do not wish to slight the potential value of reforming the regulatory process.<\/p>\n

    The basis of the most recent burst of interventionism appears to be a new wave of latent nationalism that has been detected in the polity by the federal Liberal Party …<\/p>\n

    To the extend that government, any government, is responsive to interest group demands, it will tend to promote the status quo, more often than not, at the expense of economic efficiency. Just as interest group representation tends to be biased in favour of the few against the many, interest group demands tend to be dominated by the losers (or potential losers) in competitive market transactions.<\/p>\n

    Over time, the growth of government, together with the claims made by the less progressive sectors of the economy upon available physical and human capital, may tend to crowd out opportunities for more productive investment. To the extend that \u201ccrowding out\u201d of so-called \u201cup-market\u201d investment actually occurs, more and more of the economy may become vulnerable to foreign competition.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dW.T. Stanbury and Fred Thompson<\/em><\/p>\n

    Regional Development and the European Community: A Canadian Perspective<\/em><\/h3>\n

    A major problem in Canada for many years has been the disparity in the levels of prosperity and in the rates of economic growth among the regions of this\u00a0country. It is a problem by no means unique to Canada.<\/p>\n

    Fiscal arrangements to effect a degree of redistribution of government income can do much to offset the most serious differences in the capacity of governments, but they are only a palliative. They still leave enormous differences in \u201cfiscal capacity.\u201d<\/p>\n

    Programs to stimulate development in slowgrowth areas have been a feature of our system for many years, with debatable degrees of effectiveness and success.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dIan McAllister<\/em><\/p>\n

    The Future of the Atlantic Fisheries<\/em><\/h3>\n

    The primary long-term objective of fisheries policy should be to make the industry commercially viable. Commercial viability will require a reduction in the number of fishermen, greater use of processing facilities throughout the year, and improved\u00a0marketing of fish products. To accomplish these\u00a0structural shifts, a number of changes are needed … Most of these changes will involve a number of social dislocations. The changes will be easier to accomplish if general economic development of the region occurs at the same time. However, even without such development, the structural changes are necessary if the industry is to take full advantage of the rich fishery resources at its disposal … It can no longer be accepted that the right to fish is a \u201cbirthright.\u201d The resources of the ocean are not unlimited. It is time that this fact, and its implications for the Atlantic region, be recognized by everyone concerned with the fisheries.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dE.P. Weeks and L. Mazany<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

    \u00ab Le Qu\u00e9bec seul dans son coin \u00bb<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Le Qu\u00e9bec ne s’est pas en effet trouv\u00e9 isol\u00e9 parce que son gouvernement souverainiste a souhait\u00e9 qu’il en soit ainsi, d\u00e9sireux qu’il \u00e9tait d’exploiter ce statut de \u00ab victime \u00bb \u00e0 des fins de propagande partisane interne. La r\u00e9alit\u00e9 est beaucoup plus simple : aucun gouvernement, peu importe le parti au pouvoir, n’aurait pu politiquement et m\u00eame moralement apposer sa signature \u00e0 l’accord du 5 novembre. Cet \u00ab accord des dix \u00bb, pr\u00e9par\u00e9 \u00e0 l’insu du Qu\u00e9bec, contredisait trop de promesses, d’attentes, d’espoirs et d’aspirations pour \u00eatre de quelque fa\u00e7on acceptable \u00e0 un gouvernement qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois. Il ne tenait absolument pas compte des recommandations de commissions d’enqu\u00eate f\u00e9d\u00e9rales, n\u00e9gligeait totalement les positions fondamentales mises de l’avant par tous les gouvernements du Qu\u00e9bec depuis 1965, et \u00e9tait parfaitement contraire aux sens des promesses solennelles faites aux Qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois pendant le r\u00e9f\u00e9rendum de mai 1980 par le premier ministre du Canada et par des repr\u00e9sentants du Canada anglais.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dClaude Morin,<\/em><\/p>\n

    Options politiques, Juillet<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1983<\/h2>\n

    Economic Interdependence, Autonomy, and Canadian\/American Relations<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Canada has chosen to employ commercial and trade interdependence with the United States as the path to rapid growth in relative capability …<\/p>\n

    But regardless of the success of this\u00a0strategy in political and economic terms,\u00a0certain costs may have accompanied the strategy with respect to the loss of some Canadian … autonomy.<\/p>\n

    However, the benefits of the strategy may outweigh its cost, especially if negative trade-offs are made explicit and are offset. This transfer of wealth to the cultural sector has been Canadian government policy for a long time, and in such areas as film-making the policy has already achieved impressive results.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dCharles F. Doran<\/em><\/p>\n

    Canada and the New Constitution: The Unfinished Agenda<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Stanley Beck and Ivan Bernier, eds.<\/h3>\n

    Ce sont les hypoth\u00e8ses du f\u00e9d\u00e9ralisme renouvel\u00e9 et du statut particulier qui soul\u00e8vent, au regard du droit international, le plus de probl\u00e8mes. La pr\u00e9occupation essentielle ici concerne la responsabilit\u00e9 de l’\u00c9tat canadien en tant que sujet du droit international. En effet, les contraintes inh\u00e9rentes \u00e0 la structure f\u00e9d\u00e9rale du Canada limitent la capacit\u00e9 du gouvernement canadien de s’engager de fa\u00e7on responsable au plan international, ce qui ne manque pas d’inqui\u00e9ter les pays \u00e9trangers. Mais, par ailleurs, l’hypoth\u00e8se d’une repr\u00e9sentation multiple des int\u00e9r\u00eats canadiens au plan international entra\u00eene le risque d’une dilution de l’obligation de responsabilit\u00e9 qui incombe au Canada comme \u00e0 tous les autres \u00c9tats, ce qui semble tout aussi dangereux. Entre ces deux maux, le droit international souhaite seulement ne pas avoir \u00e0 choisir.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dIvan Bernier<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    Common Ground\u00a0for the Canadian Common Market<\/em><\/h3>\n

    We have asked what are the protections against erosion of the Canadian common market by regionally discriminatory policies. At the federal level there is an argument that strong federal government power will protect the national common market interest against local pressures for\u00a0regionally discriminatory measures.<\/p>\n

    At the provincial level we also find few de facto<\/em> safeguards for the common market. Each provincial government is under strong democratic pressure to do what is in the apparent short-run interest of its local constituency. We conclude, therefore, that neither strong legal nor de facto<\/em> political protections for an integrated common market exist in Canada today. In the absence of such protections, the principle of the common market may be seriously threatened, particularly in times of economic stress.<\/p>\n

    There are strong forces in Canada pushing toward local and provincial protectionism. In the period during and after the Second World War, these forces were greatly weakened for a while. Now they are strengthening once again, and the trend in Canada is for more regional protectionism. Firstly, a large number of important divergences from the common market principle are immediately apparent; secondly, the number of such divergences is much greater than would be apparent from any existing catalogue of them; and thirdly, the amount of regional protectionism is not likely to diminish.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dF.R. Flatters and R.G. Lipsey<\/em><\/p>\n

    Cultural Regulation in Canada<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Besides constituting a significant redirection of economic resources away from other activities into the production and distribution of \u201cCanadian\u201d culture, government intervention into cultural activities represents a potential danger to the freedom\u00a0of expression and unbiased production of information that is essential to the survival of a free society. In recent years, a growing number of economists have argued that the goal of income redistribution underlies a wide variety of government intrusions into free market exchange. However, the redistribution does not go from the well-to-do to the poor but from broad segments of society (including the poor) to a relatively narrow group of well-educated, usually middle-class, politically active, \u201copinion makers\u201d in society. With respect to cultural intervention specifically, it has been argued that the main beneficiaries have been and continue to be a select group of performers, producers, and technical personnel, while the bulk of the Canadian population has been burdened with higher prices for the cultural services they consume and with a restricted choice of cultural output.<\/p>\n

    There is certainly no shortage of arguments offered by advocates of government intervention into cultural activities. Unfortunately, most of the main arguments are vague and even tautological, which makes critical evaluation of them difficult.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dSteve Globerman<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1984<\/h2>\n

    Instead of FIRA: Autonomy for Canadian Subsidiaries?<\/em><\/h3>\n

    This study suggests a new way of dealing with the question of relationships between foreign parents and their Canadian subsidiaries. If its suggestions were adopted, Canadian subsidiaries would be better able to restore Canada’s\u00a0competitiveness in the international market for manufactured goods.<\/p>\n

    That competitiveness has been slipping. Can one rely on foreign parents to provide their subsidiaries with the requisite measure of autonomy to develop their own potential? Experience both in Canada and elsewhere indicates that some degree of government intervention is needed to achieve this end. However, the Foreign Investment Review Agency (FIRA) does not address the autonomy issue directly because its supporting legislation implicitly recognizes continued foreign control over a subsidiary’s decisions.<\/p>\n

    Legislation to give a subsidiary a greater degree of autonomy\u201d\u201dto protect it against disadvantageous instructions from a parent\u201d\u201dis already in place in certain countries … Given the changing patterns of international production of manufactured goods, it is essential that foreign-controlled firms be encouraged to seek out foreign markets, and that they be afforded the opportunity to develop new product lines and new marketing skills.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dSamuel Wex<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

    Selected New Developments in International Trade Theory<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Because it raises the Canadian domestic price, the Canadian tariff has long been recognized as having two effects: It causes production inefficiency, to the degree that higher-cost domestic production replaces imports; and it prevents Canadian consumers from taking full advantage of bargainpriced imports.<\/p>\n

    A third cost should now be added: There is a waste of resources in transporting protected goods around Canada. For example, when the Canadian tariff induces a Vancouver purchaser to buy from Toronto rather than Seattle, unnecessary transport costs are incurred.<\/p>\n

    Moreover, it has become very difficult for a country considering a new form of protection to ignore the foreign response. If a country is large, then any new trade barrier it imposes can hardly go unnoticed because of the damage it will do to its trading partners; the question, then, is how they will respond.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dR.J. Wonnacott<\/em>\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

    Aggressive U.S. Reciprocity<\/em><\/h3>\n

    The less effective the GATT becomes, the more likely it is that new forms of policing will emerge. The most likely form would be for the United States to exercise some control over the trade barriers of other countries by using the single \u201cbiggest stick\u201d in the system: access to the U.S. market. The use of this stick has already surfaced in the form of recent reciprocity proposals … No matter how reciprocity may be reformed, there is little hope that it would be completely invulnerable to U.S. protectionist abuses. It would still raise problems of sovereignty for America’s trading partners; it would still, to some degree, leave small countries like Canada out in the cold; and it would still risk setting off a trade war.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dR.J. Wonnacott<\/em><\/p>\n

    Selected New Developments in International Trade Theory<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Because it raises the Canadian domestic price, the Canadian tariff has long been recognized as having two effects: It causes production inefficiency, to the degree that higher-cost domestic production replaces imports; and it prevents Canadian consumers from taking full advantage of bargainpriced imports.<\/p>\n

    A third cost should now be added: There is a waste of resources in transporting protected goods around Canada. For example, when the Canadian tariff induces a Vancouver purchaser to buy from Toronto rather than Seattle, unnecessary transport costs are incurred.<\/p>\n

    Moreover, it has become very difficult for a country considering a new form of protection to ignore the foreign response. If a country is large, then any new trade barrier it imposes can hardly go unnoticed because of the damage it will do to its trading partners; the question, then, is how they will respond.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dR.J. Wonnacott<\/em><\/p>\n

    Canada, the GATT and the International Trade System<\/em><\/h3>\n

    The extension of governmental intervention involving trade measures has been accompanied by a growing politicization of trade policy. In this process, the influence at political levels of industrial and agricultural groups seeking measures is commonly much greater than the influence of less-well-organized groups such as consumers … Governments of the leading GATT members, including Canada, are coming to regard their trade policies as simply one element of, and subservient to, their industrial, agricultural and other domestic strategies, which often have narrowly defined and short-term objectives. This shift in approach to trade policy by the major trading countries, if pursued, will have the most serious consequences for the multilateral trade system that has been built on the GATT principles. There is a growing risk that the main GATT countries will turn away from the pursuit of broader global objectives … Closely harnessing trade policy to the pursuit of domestic material, and other, economic strategies threatens a reversion to the kind of beggar-thy-neighbour policies that led to the disintegration of world trade in the 1930s. And in such a world, middlesized countries with large trade interests, such as Canada, would\u00a0be particularly exposed to damage.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dFrank Stone<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1985<\/h2>\n

    Computer Communications and the Mass Market in Canada<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Computer-communications services allegedly shall herald the new information age, an age which will witness revolutionary changes in all aspects of society and human endeavour. However, despite the predictions of revolutionary changes and despite the present availability of the technology, there has, to date, been relatively little success in introducing computer-communications services for the general public.<\/p>\n

    A very important point to note is that, if and when terminal devices for the computer-connections mass market converge on the personal computer, the terminal cost and, perhaps, the display unit cost will disappear or at least will be reduced in significance, in terms of the start-up or add-on costs of computer-connections services. They will disappear if the decision to buy the personal computer is justified\u00a0independent of the value of adopting computer-communications services. In this case, the computer-communications services will be add-ons which, at most and for the first time only, will involve the cost of a communications modem and either a hardware peripheral for certain production technologies like videotex or software which serves the same purpose.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dBarry Lesser and Louis Vagianos<\/em><\/p>\n

    Some Thoughts on Canada-United States Sectoral Free Trade<\/em><\/h3>\n

    The clear lesson of past experience suggests that failure to pursue trade liberalization does not lead to maintenance of\u00a0the status quo but, inevitably, to trade\u00a0restriction. The past few years have always\u00a0shown that the forces of protectionism are Containing these forces requires ongoing trade liberalization initiative.<\/p>\n

    An important area of choice open to the government will be to what extent it seeks to achieve its trade policy objectives through the multilateral framework or through bilateral agreements. In the current multilateral order, it would seem to make most sense for Canada to pursue those objectives which can be realized multilaterally in that context.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dMichael Hart<\/em><\/p>\n

    Foreign Direct Investment:\u00a0<\/em><\/h3>\n

    A Survey of Canadian Research<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Both theory and various studies suggest a significant bias towards capital export because of the tax system. In addition, lower effective tax rates in Canada over time have encouraged U.S. direct investment in Canada. Brean notes an estimate by J.D. Murray … that the bias towards U.S. capital export may have increased the flow of foreign equity to Canadian manufacturing on average by 40 per cent to 50 per cent from 1964 to 1978.<\/p>\n

    A number of Canadian economists would define some of the policy issues raised here mainly in terms of protectionism. Although they would not deny that protectionism under certain conditions can raise real income (as well as serve non-economic purposes), their view of the imperfections of the political process suggests that it is more likely to redistribute income … Nationalism is regarded as a collective consumption good that can give both general and particular benefits. The particular benefits are real income and better jobs and tend to be received mainly by skilled persons; general benefits in the form of psychic income reach everyone. The political process then involves persuading those who lose real income to accept such policies because of the gain in psychic income. The flood of public discussion of the NEP\u00a0[National Energy Program] cannot hide the fact that substantial research on many of the issues, including those which were legislated, is conspicuous by its absence. One reason for this may that the government decided to conduct its studies internally … Perhaps with time these aspects of the NEP will receive more attention.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dA. E. Safarian<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

    Canada and International Trade Vol. 1<\/em><\/h3>\n

    W.T. Stanbury and Thomas Kierans, eds.<\/h3>\n

    The Canadian disease is psychological. It involves a chronic national delusion, and perhaps a chronic national schizophrenia. The delusion is a continuous and deliberate depession of per capital income in Canada in the interests of the \u201clong-term\u201d well-being of Canadians. Somehow the \u201clong-term\u201d never arrives … The result has been a national penalty, which is perhaps not severe in historical perspective, but which is disturbing because it seems so pointless.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dK.D. Freeman, D.G. Paterson and R.A. Shearer<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1986<\/h2>\n

    The Social Policy Process in Canada<\/em><\/h3>\n

    A strength, as far as municipal administrators are concerned, is the fishbowl environment of local politics: aldermen and city councillors are available, meetings are generally public, and officials are instantly accountable.<\/p>\n

    In some ways, municipalities are in an enviable position. Their status as creations of the provincial governments provides them with a convenient scapegoat for reductions in service when provincial restraint programs are in place.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dA.R. Dobell and S.H. Mansbridge<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

    Health Care Technology:\u00a0Effectiveness, Efficiency and Public Policy<\/em><\/h3>\n

    The assembly and synthesis of information on health care technology in Canada still relies upon the efforts of individual researchers, health care providers, institutions, or government branches, working with what is essentially the literature from research journals … It is only recently that medical decision-making courses with an emphasis on the rational use of technological resources have been developed for front-line clinicians who initiate most decisions about the utilization of health care technology.<\/p>\n

    An important policy option is the creation of a National Health Technology Assessment Council (NHTAC). It would be the responsibility of this agency to identify new and emerging technologies for rigorous assessment, fund scientifically sound clinical and economic evaluations, provide a liaison with international health technology evaluation efforts, disseminate results, and act as a general clearing house.<\/p>\n

    There does not appear to exist anywhere in the Canadian system a group of experts with sufficient knowledge about technology assessment to inform policy making, to manage international linkages, and to guide consensus forming exercises. The time for technology assessment policy initiatives has come.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dDavid Feeny, Gordon Guyatt and Peter Tugwell<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

    Universities in Crisis:\u00a0A Mediaeval Institution in the Twenty-first Century<\/em><\/h3>\n

    William Neilson\u00a0and Chad Gaffield, eds.<\/h3>\n

    Moral compromise is an especially troublesome course for universities. For all their problems, universities and their faculties remain immensely privileged. They retain a freedom of activity and expression not permitted in any other major social institution … Universities have become the major source of moral and social criticism in modern life. They are the major site of whatever social conscience we have left … If the legitimacy of universities rested only on their service to the marketplace and the state, internal freedom would not be an issue. But their legitimacy rests in fact on something else: their integrity.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dMichael Katz<\/em><\/p>\n

    About one hundred years from now we expect from computers something more like what we expect from sophisticated tutors … Listening by computers is very undeveloped, but there is no reason to think that the present formidable technical problems of constructing good listening computers will not be solved in the next hundred years.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dPatrick Suppes<\/em><\/p>\n

    Aproliferation of new journals and demands for academic representation, for new programs, for reinterpretations of the role and contribution of women, of ethnics, and of indigenous people, and for affirmative action in universities, as well as in the larger society, are all the academic and intellectual manifestations of societies in turmoil.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dAlan Cairns<\/em><\/p>\n

    Une place pour le Qu\u00e9bec au Canada<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Beaucoup de gens, si l’on se fie \u00e0 l’Histoire, se font des illusions au sujet de l’in\u00e9vitabilit\u00e9 du passage tranquille du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 l’ind\u00e9pendance internationale. Le premier avocat venu vous dira que les divorces ne sont jamais faciles. Est-il donc interdit d’imaginer le grand peuple qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois occuper une place \u00e0 la mesure de sa vocation historique? En tant que partenaire, non en inf\u00e9rieur ou en s\u00e9paratiste enrag\u00e9? La v\u00e9rit\u00e9 est,<\/p>\n

    dit-on, fille du temps. Or, le temps presse. Le Qu\u00e9bec n’acceptera pas ind\u00e9finiment son statut d’exclu de la famille constitutionnelle canadienne. \u00c9l\u00e9ment indispensable de la stabilit\u00e9 nationale et du devenir commun, il pose un d\u00e9fi qui exige un peu d’audace, forme sup\u00e9rieure de la prudence.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dMarc Malone<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1987<\/h2>\n

    Building a Canadian-American Free Trade Area<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Edward Fried, Frank Stone and Philip Trezise, eds.<\/h3>\n

    Iwant to see a good, durable agreement\u201d\u201done that will serve as a model for the current round of negotiations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade<\/em>. If the multilateral negotiations are not successful, Canada and the United States could invite other countries to join the arrangement they had worked out together. Such an agreement will be possible only if each country is willing to address hard choices within its own area of political responsibility so that the solutions to key issues will be politically acceptable in the other country.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dWilliam Niskanen<\/em><\/p>\n

    Approaches to Income Security Reform<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Mario Iacobacci\u00a0and Shirley Seward, eds.<\/h3>\n

    The proposals outlined above by no means exhaust the range of available options … It should be clear by now that there has been no shortage of design work with respect\u00a0to major income security reform. What has been missing for the last decade is a clear message that reform is desirable … In the absence of a clear mandate for program designers, the debate has tended to snag on relatively unimportant issues.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dRichard van Loon<\/em><\/p>\n

    The Softwood Lumber Dispute and Canada-U.S. Trade in Natural Resources<\/em><\/h3>\n

    The basic issue is whether the increase of the Canadian share in the U.S. market was the outcome of market forces or the result of timberpricing policies by the provinces. The\u00a0available evidence regarding relative productivity levels and their growth … supports the view that market forces played the major role in increasing Canadian softwood lumber exports to the United States. While Canadian timber may be \u201cunderpriced\u201d in the sense that not all of the resource rents may be captured by the Crown, the magnitude of any \u201cleakage\u201d is apparently not of the magnitude alleged by the U.S. Coalition for Fair Lumber Imports (32 per cent) nor is it certain that U.S. producers have been harmed as a result … The Memorandum of Understanding … under which Canada imposed a duty of 15 per cent on softwood lumber exports to the United States can be seen as a salvage operation though … the political precedent\u201d\u201dof compromising with the protectionist efforts of a U.S. industry lobby group\u201d\u201dremains.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dMichael Percy and Christian Yoder<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

    Assessing the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Murray Smith and Frank Stone, eds.<\/h3>\n

    The major achievement of the proposed Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement is that it establishes a unique and comprehensive system of rules to govern the Canada-U.S. trading relationship in future. The rules, like the relationship, are not static. The Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement provides a framework for further elaboration of the rules as required.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dDebra Steger<\/em><\/p>\n

    There really is only one choice, in my view, that makes sense for Canada, for the United States and indeed, for the world. There is no question about rapid change. We just have to harness it or we will be either run over or left behind … When I am on campuses I talk about free trade in knowledge. Students like it. They are aggressive. They like to learn from other countries. They like to learn other languages. They want to travel … I find that about half the population supports the idea of a free trade agreement with the United States. But what’s very interesting is that it is higher than that among the youth, the young people.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dGrant Devine<\/em><\/p>\n

    This is not an ideal agreement by any stretch of the imagination. But it is a good agreement, and we should not allow the best to be the enemy of the good. Our task is to make the good better … A question often posed by Canadian friends [is] will the United States hold up its side of the bargain? Definitely, because if there is a completed agreement, it will be the result of an active, vocal private sector \u201cselling\u201d it to Congress, explaining that this agreement is in the private sector’s commercial interest … if someone proposes abrogating or undermining the pact, the private sector will mobilize in opposition. That is why I am confident that the United States will stick to its side of the bargain.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dC. Michael Aho<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

    1988<\/h2>\n

    Canadian-American Free Trade (The Sequel): Historical, Political, and Economic Dimensions<\/em><\/h3>\n

    A.R. Riggs and Tom Velk, eds.<\/h3>\n

    The Canadian government, rather than aiming for greater integration of our economy, should be striving for greater independence. So, when and if\u00a0there is a readiness in Canada to truly implement a full employment policy, then we will be able to do so … But under the Mulroney deal future governments will have fewer public policy instruments, fewer choices, and will be far more dependent on a continental economy.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dLloyd Axworthy<\/em><\/p>\n

    In the absence of strong economic reasons for the Canadian confederation, allowing provincial interests to dictate trade policy will ultimately be self-destructive to the Canadian economic union, in particular if these interests are Ontario interests … A free trade deal with the United States, even an imperfect one such as the one before us, could have the effect of strengthening the Canadian economic union, not because it is likely to enhance free trade between the provinces, although that may in fact occur.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dRichard Harris<\/em><\/p>\n

    I think an experimental approach is best. The agreement is not nearly so bad that we should walk away from it.<\/p>\n

    Quite the contrary, it may work out very well for us.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dWilliam Watson<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    Mergers, Corporate Concentration and Power in Canada<\/em><\/h3>\n

    R.S. Khemani, D.M. Shapiro and W.T. Stanbury, eds.<\/h3>\n

    Many of us resent the state telling us that we can’t complete a transaction because that transaction may lessen competition. We all should realize that it is in our own long term interest that there should be limits on acquisitions, limits on ownership, limits on the use of the tax system, and limits on the use of leverage by financial companies\u201d\u201dfor the very necessary purpose of making sure that the\u00a0ownership of society is as diverse as is possible.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dDon Blenkarn<\/em><\/p>\n

    The Centralization-Decentralization Conundrum: Organization and Management in the Canadian Government<\/em><\/h3>\n

    There is … a certain sense in which a\u00a0pendulum effect is in process here.<\/p>\n

    States have centralized their organizational\u00a0structures for particular purposes in the past but have done so in ways that produce a momentum that carries centralization and regulation too far; eventually the process must be reversed, given the recognition of the unintended consequences of excessive centralization. This, in turn, sets in motion a drive to decentralize in order to meet a new equilibrium.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dPeter Aucoin and Herman Bakvis<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

    Canadian High-Tech in a New World Economy: A Case Study in New Information Technology<\/em><\/h3>\n

    We must modify the traditional dichotomy of capital vs. labour … In today’s new world economy capital is embodied in labour through education and skills training to\u00a0significantly varying degrees. It\u00a0is necessary to distinguish between those goods and services where labour is largely unskilled, and those goods and services where the labour is, in effect, capital intensive.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dDavid Conklin and France St-Hilaire<\/em><\/p>\n

    Les provinces canadiennes et le commerce international<\/em><\/h3>\n

    C’est dire que les beaux jours des initiatives provinciales multipli\u00e9es en mati\u00e8re de r\u00e9glementation du commerce international sont peut-\u00eatre d\u00e9j\u00e0 compt\u00e9s. Les provinces r\u00e9coltent toujours les fruits de l’extension de leurs fonctions au cours du dernier quart de si\u00e8cle … Elles ont m\u00eame r\u00e9ussi, quoi que ce soit un ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne encore tr\u00e8s r\u00e9cent, \u00e0 peser sur les orientations du gouvernement f\u00e9d\u00e9ral dans un domaine que jusque-l\u00e0 il consid\u00e9rait de sa seule comp\u00e9tence, celui des grands dossiers des relations \u00e9conomiques internationales. Les temps ont chang\u00e9 dans ce secteur f\u00e9d\u00e9ral-provincial comme dans les autres et la reconnaissance de l’interd\u00e9pendance des onze gouvernements semble d\u00e9sormais \u00eatre la condition sina que non d’une gestion stable de l’ensemble de la dimension\u00a0\u00e9conomique du f\u00e9d\u00e9ralisme canadien.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dIvan Bernier et Andr\u00e9 Binette<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1989<\/h2>\n

    A House Divided<\/em><\/h3>\n

    As this is written … it is by no means\u00a0clear that the Meech Lake Accord will\u00a0become law. Unanimous consent of the\u00a0provincial legislatures is require as the\u00a0Accord includes two changes that are\u00a0among items listed in Section 41 of the\u00a0Constitution Act<\/em>, 1982, as requiring unanimity. New Brunswick and Manitoba,\u00a0with governments elected to office after the Meech Lake Accord was agreed to in 1987, have not yet given their approval. The new government of Newfoundland threatens to withdraw the approval given by the pre-election legislature. So far as western hopes for Senate reform are concerned, Meech Lake has become a morass\u201d\u201dwhether it is approved or not … In short, Meech Lake, if passed in order to solve one of our federal problems\u2013\u2013the fact that Quebec will not consent to our Constitution as it stands\u201d\u201dwill make the solution of our other federal problem\u201d\u201dthe lack of a satisfactory second chamber\u201d\u201dextremely difficult.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dGordon Robertson<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    Getting Ready for 1999<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Some people are sceptical about the value of changes in institutions and processes … in both the public and private sectors, organizational change is often no more than a symptom of failure to devise an effective policy. You do not know what to do about a problem, so you fiddle with the organization in order to seem to be doing something.<\/p>\n

    Canada has had an easy ride as a well-placed, resourcebased economy. We are not so equipped for the role into which we must now fit, involving considerable reliance on technologically advanced activities.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dTom Kent<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    The Information Economy: The Implications of Unbalancing Growth<\/em><\/h3>\n

    The uneven nature of expansion within the post-secondary education sector has meant that the physical infrastructure now in place has largely become obsolete. The OECD emphasizes the similarity across countries of problems in post-secondary education which have been caused by the collapse of post-secondary education funding in the 1970s … If our model of an expanding information sector and the increasing relative importance of knowledge workers is true, then under-funding on this scale represents a massive refusal to face the structural needs of the economy.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dLars Olberg, Edward Wolff and William Baumol<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

    La r\u00e9volution de l’information au Canada<\/em><\/h3>\n

    David Conklin et\u00a0Lucie Desch\u00eanes, dir.<\/h3>\n

    Tout comme il y a eu un reclassement\u00a0des puissances mondiales apr\u00e8s la\u00a0r\u00e9volution industrielle, nous assistons aujourd’hui au repositionnement des pays suite \u00e0 la r\u00e9volution de l’information. Les deux grands gagnants sont sans conteste les \u00c9tats-Unis et le Japon. Un certain nombre de pays, y compris le Canada, se battent pour occuper la troisi\u00e8me place. Cette troisi\u00e8me place est d\u00e9terminante puisqu’elle permettra \u00e0 un pays, ou \u00e0 un ensemble de pays, d’obtenir une part importante du march\u00e9 mondial dans le secteur des technologies de l’information … Pour plusieurs raisons, le Canada est une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 qui repose d\u00e9j\u00e0 sur l’information. C’est en grande partie gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 Northern Telecom que le Canada a pu maintenir sa position de chef de file dans l’industrie des technologies de l’information. Northern Telecom n’est pas seulement une compagnie mondiale qui a une forte pr\u00e9sence canadienne; elle a \u00e9galement contribu\u00e9 \u00e0 la recherche et au d\u00e9veloppement et elle a assur\u00e9 le prestige et la pr\u00e9sence canadienne dans l’ensemble du secteur des t\u00e9l\u00e9communications.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dThomas McPhail<\/em><\/p>\n

    Taking the Pulse: Human Sciences Research for the Third Millennium<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Back in the sixties most social scientists dreamed of being relevant; being relevant meant being where the action was, meaning shaping the future, meaning responding to the pressing problems of the day … But that dream did not materialize … On most issues the decision-makers in the public or in the private sector go where the best and the brightest are, and this is often outside Canada … The real humbling of the social sciences has come from their failures in social engineering … The dream of social engineering was based on anthropological conceptions which turned out to be inadequate, on intervention strategies which assumed social dynamics that were naive, and on conceptions of society which tended to devalue the common good and individual responsibility.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dMarcel Cot\u00e9<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

    1990<\/h2>\n

    A Canadian Challenge\/ Le d\u00e9fi qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Canada is foundering in an idealism,\u00a0in the ideology of the ideal, that is\u00a0constraining and compulsory … It is well\u00a0known that the principal artisan of French\u00a0Power, Pierre Elliott Trudeau, based the\u00a0main part of his actions on the negation\u00a0of the political consequences generated\u00a0naturally by the Quebec Fact. Reality is simply taking its revenge.<\/p>\n

    By definition, the English-Canadian identity is antiAmerican. No wonder a highly Americanized EnglishCanadian society no longer recognizes its right to exist alone and to step out from under its cosmetic facade of bilingualism and multiculturalism … English Canada has never recovered from the defeat of the Loyalists at the hands of the Americans … English Canada relives this defeat every day of its life.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dChristian Dufour<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    The Responsible Public Servant<\/em><\/h3>\n

    An argument for extending the political rights of public servants is that restrictions on these rights deprive the public in general and political parties in particular of valuable insights on public affairs. The argument is also made that restrictions on the political rights of public servants limit the involvement in partisan politics of a large percentage of the most educated citizens in the labour force.<\/p>\n

    The meaning and significance of efficiency and effectiveness are further clouded for public servants by the views of politicians on those issues. For ministers and government backbenchers, fixated by concerns about electoral popularity, neither the perspective of individual members of the public nor the narrow technical vision of the evaluators represent an entirely reasonable approach to efficiency and\u00a0effectiveness. For politicians, efficient public service is that which generates few complaints; public service is effective when it makes a lot of voters happy, regardless of cost or the relationship of the results achieved to the ostensible purposes of the program.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dKenneth Kernaghan and John\u00a0Langford<\/em><\/p>\n

    Japan’s Relations with North America: The New Pacific Interface<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Japan desperately needs to make fundamental reforms in its domestic economy. Should such reforms be postponed beyond mid-decade, Japan will face increasing social frustration that will destabilize the political system … The land system needs to be completely restructured … Fundamental reform of a tax system that works to smother healthy, consumer-led domestic demand is also urgent … Japan also needs to reverse course on monetary policy.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dK. Lorne Brownsey and Richard Matthew<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00ab La face cach\u00e9e de la T.P.S. \u00bb<\/em><\/h3>\n

    L’analyse \u00e9conomique traditionnelle nous enseigne que le caract\u00e8re neutre et g\u00e9n\u00e9ral de la T.P.S. est pr\u00e9f\u00e9rable sous certains aspects \u00e0 l’actuelle taxe de vente aux manufacturiers. On la juge pr\u00e9f\u00e9rable parce qu’en imposant un taux unique de taxation pour l’ensemble des produits et services, on \u00e9limine une multitude de privil\u00e8ges fiscaux qui ont pour cons\u00e9quence de fausser l’allocation des ressources. En r\u00e9duisant la discrimination entre les diff\u00e9rentes activit\u00e9s \u00e9conomiques et les contribuables de m\u00eame revenu, la nouvelle T.P.S. est cens\u00e9e r\u00e9duire les distorsions engendr\u00e9es par l’actuel syst\u00e8me de taxation. \u00c9videmment, l’enseignement \u00e9conomique nous rappelle que derri\u00e8re les qualit\u00e9s ind\u00e9niables de cette taxe, se cachent des imperfections qui sont sources de gaspillage. De fait, la T.P.S n’est pas enti\u00e8rement neutre et g\u00e9n\u00e9rale. On ne peut ignorer les propositions du ministre d’exclure certains biens et services, ce qui r\u00e9introduirait les distorsions et distinctions\u00a0arbitraires du r\u00e9gime actuel.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dPierre Simard<\/em><\/p>\n

    Options politiques, Juillet-ao\u00ebt<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

    Provincial Tax Reforms: Options and Opportunities<\/em><\/h3>\n

    To opt for a coordinated and consistent reform agenda among provinces\u00a0would entail a radical departure from previous practices. Yet the reform process in\u00a0any one jurisdiction affects the tax system of the others … Consequently, the development of separate reform agendas must be undertaken with an awareness of the intentions of others, with an appreciation for the impact on others, and\u201d\u201dat many points\u201d\u201dwith explicit cooperation and coordination.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dDavid Conklin and France St-Hilaire<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1991<\/h2>\n

    Canadian Federalism:<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Meeting Global Economic Challenges? <\/em><\/h3>\n

    Douglas Brown and Murray Smith, eds.<\/h3>\n

    I recognize that all my pro-free-trade colleagues argue that a flexible exchange rate was an essential ingredient of the FTA … I think the basic principle is, in general, wrong … As our very regionally diverse east-west economy integrates north-south with the U.S., it will become increasingly evident that the optimum currency areas are the cross-border, north-south regions, not the national economy.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dThomas Courchene<\/em><\/p>\n

    Federalism no longer stops at the border. Whether we think about how Canada projects itself to the world, or whether we think about how the world impacts on Canada, the border is essentially being rubbed out as far as federalism is concerned … With respect to federalism, I think that the largest loser from all of this in the long run is likely to be the national government. Its power is draining on the one hand to supra-national institutions and on the other to smaller local institutions. The main federal levers have become more and more constrained … The constitutional separation between negotiation and implementation of the treaties makes provincial involvement essential … We have to find a way to trade off or to link the whole question of provincial influence in negotiating internationally with the need to secure provincial compliance for deals once they have\u00a0been done.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dRichard Simeon<\/em><\/p>\n

    Where is the competition for investment? If we just look at it from British Columbia, for example, where’s the competition for investment in British Columbia? Is it Alberta? Is it Ontario? I think to a large extent it’s Washington and Oregon. So, from my point of view, if we only deal with the northern side of the border in addressing this question of incentives, we’re not going to achieve all that much. I think we have to deal within a North American context and I guess if we’ve got any chance at all … of addressing that problem, it has be in a North American context.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dLorne Seitz<\/em><\/p>\n

    Aboriginal Self-Determination<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Frank Cassidy, ed.<\/h3>\n

    We are now in a situation where the constitutional agenda of the country is stalled for the foreseeable future. The concerns of aboriginal people, along with others, cannot be addressed until a means is found to reestablish the dialogue … Given the present hiatus in the constitutional discussions, it is fundamentally important that … efforts at non-constitutional self-government arrangements be maintained, both in order to allow aboriginal governments to assume greater levels of responsibility, as well as to gain valuable experience which will assist the constitutional discussions when they begin anew.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dJohn Tait<\/em><\/p>\n

    It absolutely befuddles me, after the Dene defended their territory for thousands of years, why, when a few missionaries, whether they were bishops or not; a few bureaucrats, with a document<\/p>\n

    that has already been drafted up somewhere else; and a few policeman came to the territory of the Dene, that we would suddenly consciously decide that from then on we would give up the sovereignty of our people … There is no justice. There is no equality. It’s not fair. It does not make any difference how you look at it, it’s not fair … You can look at it on the basis of the original agreements. There is virtually not a single reserve, outside of what has been established the last few years, that is still fully intact, because the Canadian government was not satisfied with taking 99.9 per cent of the land.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dGeorge Erasmus<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

    \u00ab Coop\u00e9ration entre les provinces maritimes \u00bb<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Tout se ram\u00e8ne \u00e0 une question de \u00ab volont\u00e9 politique \u00bb. Pour que la coop\u00e9ration r\u00e9gionale soit plus qu’une id\u00e9e en l’air, il faut qu’elle soit prise en main, et fermement, par les chefs politiques des Maritimes … Aujourd’hui, on chercherait en vain dans ces trois provinces des indices d’une telle d\u00e9termination politique … Le premier ministre McKenna a \u00e9nonc\u00e9 sa position dans son r\u00e9cent discours, mais rien n’indique que les autres chefs politiques de la r\u00e9gion soient pr\u00eats \u00e0 relever le d\u00e9fi. Leur silence est assez \u00e9loquent quant \u00e0 leur volont\u00e9 de coop\u00e9rer.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dDonald Savoie Options politiques, mai<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1992<\/h2>\n

    Aboriginal Title in British Columbia: Delgamuukw v. The Queen<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Frank Cassidy, ed.<\/h3>\n

    The most important benefit, frankly, [of the case] is that we concentrated power.<\/p>\n

    You can’t go into a process like that and not somehow create the engine, the system, the need, to achieve something … It doesn’t matter what the judge said because ultimately we’re going to succeed.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dMedig’m Gyamk<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

    Governing in an Information Society<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Achange in attitude and approach seems to be\u00a0required to deal with the new information environment. Both within and outside government … it is\u00a0self-defeating to try to control what data or information is released or available. The real challenge is to\u00a0provide leadership to the continuing process by which\u00a0people interpret and make sense of that information.<\/p>\n

    For example, in dealing with the press it may be better to disburse information (data organized within a particular framework) on a more regular, open basis through briefings, so that they can better understand the context within which decisions are being made … Whether dealing within the government apparatus or more broadly within society, effective leadership increasingly depends on the ability to lead that process by which … data and information are translated into knowledge.<\/p>\n

    If government is going to be able to lead the development of shared frameworks of interpretation, of shared agencies, in effect to lead a process of societal learning, changes will be needed both within government and in the relation between government and other players in the governance system. Those changes will be as difficult to achieve as the task is essential.<\/p>\n

    The process of governing in an information society, as we have come to understand it, needs to be conceived as an ongoing process of learning, a process of learning both within the government and, more broadly, within society. A continuing reality of the information society will be that the lifespan of particular instruments of governing will be limited. To deal effectively with such a rapidly changing environment, we need to become far more effective at developing new ways of governing appropriate to new circumstances.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dSteven A. Rosell<\/em><\/p>\n

    Britain and Canada in the 1990s<\/em><\/h3>\n

    D.K. Adams, ed.<\/h3>\n

    If Britain were shorn of its … network of former colonial associations … and the \u201cinfluence\u201d that is presumed to accompany these associations, Britain would stand substantially diminished in its other relationships, including those in Europe, and Britain’s post colonial associations would be far more difficult to maintain if the Commonwealth link were broken. It remains to be seen whether Canada and some other Commonwealth countries can effectively work to bridge the wide gaps between Britain and some of its strongest adversaries in the association.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dBernard Wood<\/em><\/p>\n

    Since the events of the early seventies, the Canadian economy has been a rather prodigious generator of jobs, and has grown at a real growth rate not very different from the OECD average. The productivity performance has, however, been markedly worse at the low end of the OECD scale. Aside from the abrasiveness of labour\/management relationships, this helps to explain a Canadian inflationary bias. It may also contribute to an explanation of Canada’s deteriorating trade performance and confirm deep suspicions about the quality and quantity of Canadian research and development performance.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dIan Stewart<\/em><\/p>\n

    L’innovation technologique dans les PME manufacturi\u00e8res : \u00e9tudes de cas et enqu\u00eate<\/em><\/h3>\n

    La processus de changement technologique dans les PME n’est pas une d\u00e9marche de tout repos et il n\u00e9cessite une approche manag\u00e9riale int\u00e9gr\u00e9e … De nombreux \u00e9l\u00e9ments \u00e9chappent au contr\u00f4le des entreprises innovatrices et \u00e0 plus forte raison, des PME, dont les moyens sont g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement plus limit\u00e9s que ceux des\u00a0grandes entreprises. Malgr\u00e9 tout, un certain nombre de pr\u00e9cautions peuvent \u00eatre prises par la PME pour \u00e9viter les mauvaises surprises … Il nous est apparu fondamental de bien planifier le changement technologique, de choisir la technologie avec rigueur, d’investir dans le capital humain, de confier le projet \u00e0 la bonne personne et, enfin, d’\u00eatre r\u00e9aliste et conscient de l’existence d’un nombre important de facteurs impond\u00e9rables.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dJean-Louis Malouin et Yvon Gasse<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1993<\/h2>\n

    Rethinking Government: Reform or Reinvention? <\/em><\/h3>\n

    F. Leslie Seidle, ed.<\/h3>\n

    In government we have good people\u00a0trapped in bad systems. The problem\u00a0is, all our rules are written to go after …<\/p>\n

    one per cent to make the other 99 per\u00a0cent feel that they are stealing and are\u00a0not to be trusted. So because the way\u00a0the rules are written for one per cent, the message gets to other employees that their creativity should be inhibited. We have constantly done this.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dTed Gaebler<\/em><\/p>\n

    Whatever potential exists for democracy in regulation as a form of governance, it has been curtailed by developments affecting the capacity of regulation to function as co-management, as a sphere of direct democracy … If fault is to be found, it is that the connection between regulation and democracy was not explored adequately at the outset or during the recent period of regulatory reform. As a consequence, no one has paid much attention to the effect on democracy of regulatory reform programs. Putting democracy on the agenda in discussion about regulation is a necessary corrective. In all likelihood it will change the discussion about regulatory reform … Unless attention is paid to the consequences of any reform proposals for democracy, the democratic potential of regulation is hardly likely to be strengthened.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dLiora Salter<\/em>\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

    La pauvret\u00e9 et l’\u00c9tat<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Quand on passe en revue l’historique de la pauvret\u00e9 et des diff\u00e9rents programmes de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 sociale au Canada, on constate que, par le pass\u00e9, c’est le soutien du revenu des personnes inaptes au travail qui s’est vu accorder la priorit\u00e9. Mais comme la pauvret\u00e9 touche de plus en plus les personnes aptes au travail, il importe de r\u00e9orienter les principaux programmes qui s’adressent \u00e0 ces derni\u00e8res … il importe que l’assurance-ch\u00f4mage soit harmonis\u00e9e avec la formation professionnelle de la main-d’\u0153uvre pour jouer un r\u00f4le davantage pr\u00e9ventif, que l’aide sociale soit \u00e9galement associ\u00e9e aux efforts de formation professionnelle pour acc\u00e9l\u00e9rer les sorties de la pauvret\u00e9.<\/p>\n

    La strat\u00e9gie propos\u00e9e vise \u00e0 confier aux cinq grandes r\u00e9gions du Canada toute la responsabilit\u00e9 juridique et tous les pouvoirs de taxation n\u00e9cessaires \u00e0 la conception, l’\u00e9laboration, la mise sur pied et l’application des programmes et des politiques de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 du revenu, puis \u00e0 confier au gouvernement central la responsabilit\u00e9 d’internaliser les externalit\u00e9s interr\u00e9gionales et de les\u00a0int\u00e9grer au r\u00e9gime de p\u00e9r\u00e9quation.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dJean-Michel Cousineau<\/em><\/p>\n

    Equity and Community:<\/em><\/h3>\n

    The Charter, Interest Advocacy and Representation F. Leslie Seidle, ed.<\/h3>\n

    While claims of self-government raise deep problems for the integrative function of citizenship, it seems to me that the particular aspect of self-government we are considering here\u201d\u201dguaranteed representation at the federal or intergovernmental level\u201d\u201dclearly serves a unifying function. The existence of such group representation helps reduce the threat of selfgovernment, by reconnecting the self-governing community to the larger federation.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dWill Kymlicka<\/em><\/p>\n

    As macro-constitutional politics has become increasingly difficult to manage, micro-constitutional has emerged as the principal means by which governments and society-based actors can undertake institutional design. The irony is that success at the micro-level further complicates and enervates macro-level constitutional politics … The last two rounds of constitutional negotiation suggest that designing the rules governing microconstitutional politics has become one of the principal preoccupations of macro-level constitutional bargaining.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dChristopher Manfredi<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    Toward Sustainable Federalism: Reforming Federal-Provincial Fiscal Arrangements<\/em><\/h3>\n

    We propose a new cost-sharing scheme where the total federal contribution is based on a fixed percentage of standard social expenditure\u00a0per capita but where the level of payments to individual provinces varies to take into account differences in relative welfare burdens across provinces … Such a system effectively equalizes for differences in need for social assistance … This system would be operated parallel to the fiscal equalization program through a modified federal-provincial cost-sharing scheme.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dPaul Hobson and France St-Hilaire<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1994<\/h2>\n

    Canada: Reclaiming the Middle Ground<\/em><\/h3>\n

    The injunction to take issues \u201cone at a\u00a0time\u201d and \u201con their own merits\u201d …\u00a0must be taken with a large grain of salt. A\u00a0government that takes it too literally risks\u00a0ending up with a series of policy conflicts.\u00a0It will not do to say that conflicts can be\u00a0avoided by respecting \u201crational criteria\u201d\u00a0such as efficiency and accountability. At the end of the day, a coherent policy agenda will require choices from among a number of broad, sometimes competing, objectives that the federal government may wish to promote … Taking the issue-by-issue approach at face value suggests that \u201creal\u201d disagreements over policy are by and large over how best to solve specific issues and technical problems in a given policy area … In fact, what often makes a federal-provincial issue an issue is not a disagreement that will be solved in this way. It is a clash over the values perceived to be at stake.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dDonald Lenihan, Gordon Robertson and Roger Tass\u00e9<\/em><\/p>\n

    Learning About Schools:\u00a0What Parents Need to Know and How They Can Find Out<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Giventhebureaucraticnatureofthesystem,withinterlocking levels of authority and spheres of influence, [changing or selecting a school] has never been an easy task even for educators within the system. In this book, I focus on ways in which parents can get information about schools\u201d\u201dinformation that is relevant to school quality and hence to choice … This book provides a guide to questions parents can and should ask in the process of making judgements about their child’s classroom or school. Many parents feel uncertain or uncomfortable in speaking with teachers or administrators.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dPeter Coleman<\/em><\/p>\n

    Governing Canada’s City-Regions: Adapting Form to Function<\/em><\/h3>\n

    The efficiency of one-tier comprehensive municipal systems in Canada has tended to be assumed rather than investigated. Such assumptions are partly based on the fact that consolidation, by definition, eliminates inter-municipal disputes and duplication. Unfortunately, we do not know whether or not the disputes and duplication are simply reproduced in a different form within the complex organization apparatus of the larger municipality … On the basis of the limited data available, there seems little doubt that single-tier comprehensive systems are relatively efficient, at least in comparison to two-tier systems.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dAndrew Sancton<\/em><\/p>\n

    The Evolution of Canada’s Metropolitan Economies<\/em><\/h3>\n

    The principal question is one of how to\u00a0interpret the relative decentralization\u00a0of high-order services from their \u201cnatural\u00a0habitat\u201d in the CBD [central business district] toward suburban zones. On the one\u00a0hand, one can treat the phenomenon as a \u201cnormal\u201d process: for various inalterable economic and social reasons, the decentralization of certain high-order service activities may be inevitable, and it would not be fruitful to attempt to intervene in order to arrest the process. This view of the situation carries with it the risk of witnessing, in the medium or long term, the erosion of a major portion of the central city economic base. A second approach is to accept that it is unrealistic to attempt to counteract the intra-metropolitan decentralization of high-order services from the downtown area. In this case, central city governments may consider the possibility of \u201cintercepting\u201d the decentralization, that is, of creating opportunities in its own territory … The potential difficulty with this approach, however, is that is might encourage or accelerate the decentralization of high-order services from the CBD. The intra-metropolitan decentralization phenomenon is complex and the choices involved for the central city are difficult ones.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dWilliam Coffey<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

    Educational Choice: Necessary But Not Sufficient<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Policies, judgements, actions should be handled at local levels insofar as is practicable. In terms of our schooling discussion, groups of parents having greater input, along with principals and teachers, than occurs in most school districts today\u201d\u201das would be the case under a voucher system\u201d\u201dwould be an example of this principle in action. Subsidiarity is consistent with basic freedom and self-determination for people generally. It is founded as well on the precept that individuals matter, that they are important, that they deserve to be heard and are capable of making sound decisions affecting themselves and their families’ well-being.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dBruce Wilkinson<\/em>\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1995<\/h2>\n

    \u00ab Les implications \u00e9conomiques d’un Qu\u00e9bec souverain \u00bb<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Sur le plan ext\u00e9rieur, le Qu\u00e9bec a enregistr\u00e9 en 1993 un surplus de 3,4 milliards $, et ce surplus a d\u00e9pass\u00e9 5,5 milliards $ en 1994. On voit que, malgr\u00e9 la fronti\u00e8re am\u00e9ricaine, le Qu\u00e9bec a beaucoup profit\u00e9 de l’Accord de libre-\u00e9change canado-am\u00e9ricain et qu’il profite maintenant de l’AL\u00c9NA. Or, un Qu\u00e9bec souverain aura t\u00f4t fait de n\u00e9gocier son adh\u00e9sion \u00e0 cet important trait\u00e9. Nombreux sont nos voisins am\u00e9ricains qui nous confirment officieusement que cette adh\u00e9sion est dans leur int\u00e9r\u00eat … Nous invitons nos coll\u00e8gues \u00e0 tendance f\u00e9d\u00e9raliste \u00e0 revoir leurs analyses. Nous les invitons \u00e0 prendre en compte les facteurs que nous avons \u00e9voqu\u00e9s\u201d\u201det bien d’autres que nous pourrions apporter dans une \u00e9tude plus exhaustive. Leurs conclusions sur les effets nets de la souverainet\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec\u201d\u201deffets \u00e0 court, \u00e0 moyen et \u00e0 long termes\u201d\u201ds’en trouveraient largement modifi\u00e9es. Dans le nouveau contexte mondial, la performance d’un pays n’est pas li\u00e9e \u00e0 la taille de son \u00e9conomie. Le succ\u00e8s \u00e9conomique d’un pays tient davantage \u00e0 la cr\u00e9ation d’une dynamique interne, \u00e0 l’\u00e9tablissement d’un contrat social ax\u00e9 sur l’emploi, \u00e0 la poursuite collective du d\u00e9veloppement \u00e9conomique, social, culturel et linguistique. Or, nous l’avons montr\u00e9, cet objectif restera inatteignable pour le Qu\u00e9bec au sein d’une f\u00e9d\u00e9ration aussi h\u00e9t\u00e9rog\u00e8ne que le Canada actuel.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dPierre-Paul Proulx,<\/em> Choix<\/p>\n

    Workfare: Does it work? Is it fair?<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Adil Sayeed, ed.<\/h3>\n

    Many rationales are offered for workfare, but the number of justifications can be reduced to a few, not all of them being well founded or convincing … The arguments that prevail in the end will\u00a0vary in time and across countries but are likely to reflect the type of welfare state institutions a country has inherited from its past … In a liberal welfare state like Canada, workfare programs are likely to be underfunded, inefficient and probably self-defeating, but they could also be part of a new, more European orientation in social policy.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dAlain No\u00e0\u00abl<\/em><\/p>\n

    Le m\u00e9dium et les muses<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Situons maintenant dans une perspective historique l’av\u00e8nement de l’inforoute. Celle-ci n’est que le plus r\u00e9cent d’une s\u00e9rie de d\u00e9veloppements majeurs, dont chacun a contribu\u00e9 \u00e0 r\u00e9tr\u00e9cir le monde en permettant aux gens de se rencontrer, de mieux se conna\u00eetre entre eux, d’\u00e9changer des biens, des services et des id\u00e9es … La r\u00e9alisation de l’inforoute apportera \u00e0 quelques-uns la fi\u00e8vre d’une aventure nouvelle … elle peut signifier l’aube d’un dialogue d\u00e9mocratique, interactif, o\u00f9 les id\u00e9es circuleront de bas en haut aussi bien que de haut en bas.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dClaude E. Forget et Charles Sirois<\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n

    Rethinking the Delivery of Public Services to Citizens<\/em><\/h3>\n

    While it is clear that information technology and single window delivery systems have become linked, they should be seen to be complementary rather than synonymous. In this regard, careful assessment is required to determine which\u00a0electronic channels for service provision are best suited to particular transactions. For example, a businessperson working from a home linked to the Internet and equipped with a modem has different capabilities that a senior citizen in an outlying village … As public sector managers explore the potential of single window systems bolstered by information technology … the different needs of those they serve should be kept very much in mind. As with other means of improving service, this should be a primary test as a balance is sought between achieving greater efficiency and enhancing the accessibility of public services to citizens.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dF. Leslie Seidle<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00ab L’\u00e9volution du f\u00e9d\u00e9ralisme canadien \u00bb<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Comme province, le Qu\u00e9bec est une entit\u00e9 civique dot\u00e9e d’une autonomie consid\u00e9rable. Il est moins clair qu’il serait encore une entit\u00e9 civique si on le d\u00e9finissait comme nation ou comme peuple. Encore serait-il moins impensable de reconna\u00eetre dans la Constitution canadienne le Qu\u00e9bec comme une nation si la signification de cette reconnaissance faisait consensus. Or, m\u00eame les penseurs du nationalisme qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois ne s’accordent pas l\u00e0-dessus; ils ne savent trop s’il faut inclure d’office dans la nation les citoyens du Qu\u00e9bec qui ne se reconnaissent pas en elle.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dSt\u00e9phane Dion, <\/em>Choix\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1996<\/h2>\n

    \u201cRestoring Generational Balance in Canada\u201d<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Current fiscal policy in Canada is … unsustainable. No matter which alternative case for forecasted public expenditures we use, the level of generational imbalance is significant. In our baseline scenario, if the existing fiscal structure remains in place for living generations, those born in the future could face net lifetime tax rates more than twice the current amount for newborns, in order that the government be able to pay its bills. Such increases would be difficult to implement in light of economic and political considerations. To relieve some of this burden on future generations, changes must occur sooner rather than later.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dPhilip Oreopoulous and Laurence Kotlikoff,<\/em> Choices<\/p>\n

    \u00ab Comment accro\u00eetre le soutien public en faveur des enfants \u00bb<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Iil est p\u00e9rilleux d’affirmer\u00a0que l’\u00c9tat devrait accro\u00eetre\u00a0globalement les transferts vers\u00a0les familles et les enfants. De\u00a0plus, la polarisation des id\u00e9es\u00a0v\u00e9hicul\u00e9es dans l’opinion publique concernant le syst\u00e8me des d\u00e9penses sociales suscite beaucoup de scepticisme face \u00e0 toute proposition visant \u00e0 r\u00e9former le syst\u00e8me. Malheureusement, une telle attitude conduit au maintien du statu quo, ce qui ne permet ni de corriger les lacunes des politiques \u00e0 l’\u00e9gard du d\u00e9veloppement des enfants, de l’aide aux familles et de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 du revenu, ni de les adapter aux nouvelles r\u00e9alit\u00e9s sociales et \u00e9conomiques. L’\u00c9tat doit adopter une nouvelle strat\u00e9gie qui vise \u00e0 \u00e9galiser les chances et \u00e0 r\u00e9partir de fa\u00e7on \u00e9quitable le fardeau entre les couples avec enfants et ceux qui n’en ont pas.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dMichel Leblanc, Pierre Lefebvre et Philip Merrigan,<\/em> Choix<\/p>\n

    Perspectives on the New Economy and Regulation of Telecommunications <\/em><\/h3>\n

    W.T. Stanbury, ed.<\/h3>\n

    Are we to begin another debate about the regulation of Canadian content? If we do, we will commit ourselves to yet another dispirited and disappointing cycle. It is a cycle driven by the proud wearers of\u00a0mouldy and moth-eaten Team Canada uniforms, a cycle of platitude and promise, a cycle of promise and disappointment, a cycle that is little more than the exploitation of an undefined, probably undefinable, public interest to aid and abet private interests.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dRichard Schultz<\/em><\/p>\n

    Convergence has brought about a collision between two elaborate regulatory regimes in Canada\u201d\u201done associated with telecommunications and the other associated with broadcasting. Ironically, both models, which had been separate, were developed and applied by the same regulatory agency, the CRTC.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dSteve Globerman, Hudson Janisch and W.T. Stanbury<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

    \u201cOperational Agencies:\u00a0From Half-Hearted Efforts to Full-Fledged Government Reform\u201d<\/em><\/h3>\n

    The government and individual ministers cannot have it both ways. If they wish to advance productive management and greater effectiveness in the delivery of public services, yet insist on retaining authority to intervene in the management of operations whenever or as they wish (and to have their deputies and other senior officials intervene on their behalf in anticipation of their wishes), they do so at a significant cost to good management … The costs come in the form of an excessively complex, and thus rigid, regime of legislative, central agency and departmental controls over the management of resources (financial and personnel) and the organization and management of service delivery systems. This diminishes not only the priority given to questions of economy and efficiency but also the importance attached to\u00a0quality service to citizens.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dPeter Aucoin and Jean-Claude Desch\u00eanes,<\/em> Choices<\/p>\n

    \u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

    Maintaining a Competitive Workforce: Employer-Based Training in the Canadian Economy<\/em><\/h3>\n

    We need institutional arrangements to ensure that social needs are not subordinated to the vested interests of specific groups … Vested interests in education and training are a mammoth problem. There are those within the university and the secondary school system who resist change and who argue vehemently that any tailoring of any education to the needs of the private sector is a prostitution of the education system.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dDerek Hum and Wayne Simpson<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1997<\/h2>\n

    Urban Governance and Finance:\u00a0<\/em>A Question of Who Does What<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Paul Hobson and France St-Hilaire, eds.<\/h3>\n

    The analysis in this chapter would suggest that the recent move by the provincial government to amalgamate municipalities in Metro [Toronto] is not appropriate because the new amalgamated city would not meet the criteria for good local government. In short, the boundaries of Metro Toronto are too large for local responsiveness and too\u00a0small to address region-wide spillovers.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dEnid Slack<\/em><\/p>\n

    The current practice of imposing higher effective property tax rates on non-residential property (commercial\/industrial) compared to residential property raises questions relating to efficiency and equity. For example, a recent study suggests that the residential sector benefits more from local services … than the non-residential sector … Recent evidence for Ontario cities suggests that if non-residential property owners were responsible for funding only the local services that are of benefit to their properties, current property taxes could be expected to fall by more than 50 per cent.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dHarry Kitchen<\/em><\/p>\n

    While the idea of enabling government can be accommodated within standard analysis without much difficulty, the principle of subsidiarity, broadly defined, can have very different implications for the design of local government. The problem with the principle of subsidiarity, however, is that it is incomplete … Indeed, definitive policy guidelines will not be possible until more flesh is put on the subsidiarity skeleton … Achieving subsidiarity is likely to imply some costs in terms of both efficiency and equity.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dRichard Barnett<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    \u00ab La politique familiale : ses impacts et les options \u00bb<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Nous proposons, \u00e0 titre illustratif, la mise en place d’une allocation familiale universelle non imposable. Cette mesure d’aide financi\u00e8re constitue la pierre d’assise d’une politique familiale qui accorde une valeur sociale minimale \u00e9gale \u00e0 tous les enfants, quel que soit le revenu des parents. Avec une telle mesure de compensation du co\u00ebt priv\u00e9 de l’entretien des enfants, la collectivit\u00e9 reconna\u00eet leur importance pour son d\u00e9veloppement et le r\u00f4le premier des familles pour les \u00e9duquer. Notre proposition est clairement orient\u00e9e vers le principe de la redistribution horizontale : les contribuables, peu importe leur statut familial, paient des imp\u00f4ts en fonction de leur capacit\u00e9 contributive pour financer le soutien aux familles … Cette approche universelle d’aide aux familles offre l’avantage de ne porter aucun jugement de valeur sur le mode de vie privil\u00e9gi\u00e9 par les familles. Ainsi, elle compense financi\u00e8rement au m\u00eame titre une famille dont un conjoint est \u00e0 la maison et une famille dont les deux conjoints travaillent.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dRobert Baril, Pierre Lefebvre et Philip Merrigan,<\/em> Choix<\/p>\n

    \u00ab Les pensions de retraite dans une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 vieillissante \u00bb<\/em><\/h3>\n

    On ne peut manquer de signaler que la hausse de la\u00a0f\u00e9condit\u00e9 est passablement plus efficace que l’accroissement de l’immigration. \u00c0 l’\u00e9chelle du Canada, un taux de\u00a0f\u00e9condit\u00e9 augment\u00e9 de 0,1 enfant par femme se traduit par\u00a0un surplus annuel de 23 000 naissances; or, ce surplus a le\u00a0m\u00eame effet qu’un apport net de 40 000 immigrants suppl\u00e9mentaires par an.<\/p>\n

    En mati\u00e8re de r\u00e9gimes de retraite, l’\u00c9tat doit fixer les normes de fonctionnement et imposer la r\u00e9alisation d’objectifs pr\u00e9cis; mais il ne lui appartient pas n\u00e9cessairement de cr\u00e9er et de g\u00e9rer ces r\u00e9gimes. Imposer \u00e0 tous une pension \u00e9gale \u00e0 la moiti\u00e9 du revenu de la vie active, c’est, pourrait-on dire, obliger les gens \u00e0 la sagesse. Est-ce plus autoritaire que d’imposer un moyen s\u00ebr de financer le traitement des maladies, la compensation des accidents du travail ou la r\u00e9paration des dommages caus\u00e9s par l’automobile?<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dJacques Henripin,<\/em> Choix\u00a0<\/p>\n

    \u00ab La s\u00e9curit\u00e9 du revenu au Qu\u00e9bec : une critique de la r\u00e9forme propos\u00e9e \u00bb <\/em><\/h3>\n

    Jean-Michel Cousineau, Guy Lacroix et Pierre Lefebvre, dir.<\/h3>\n

    Il ne faudrait pas perdre de vue que la S\u00e9curit\u00e9 du revenu constitue une aide de dernier recours; et que les parcours personnalis\u00e9s devraient, eux aussi, \u00eatre vus dans cette perspective. \u00c0 l’oppos\u00e9, le syst\u00e8me scolaire doit demeurer la premi\u00e8re voie d’int\u00e9gration au march\u00e9 du travail; et les incitations financi\u00e8res qu’on met en place doivent \u00eatre compatibles avec ce r\u00f4le de l’\u00e9cole.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dGuy Lacroix,<\/em> Choix<\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    1998<\/h2>\n

    Sortir de l’impasse : les voies de la r\u00e9conciliation<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Guy Laforest et Roger Gibbins, dir.<\/h3>\n

    L’impasse canado-qu\u00e9b\u00e9coise n’est pas th\u00e9orique, conceptuelle. Entre f\u00e9d\u00e9ralistes et souverainistes, il serait vain de chercher quelque gouffre s\u00e9mantique … Pour sortir de l’impasse, dans le contexte de l’imbroglio canado-qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois, le d\u00e9fi est de ne faire ni vainqueurs, ni vaincus. Le Qu\u00e9bec ne se r\u00e9sout pas \u00e0 se fondre dans la nation canadienne. Le Canada veut durer, \u00e0 l’ombre du g\u00e9ant am\u00e9ricain, dans un univers en profonde mutation. L’un et l’autre veulent exister et durer, l’un et l’autre se sont r\u00e9clam\u00e9s du langage du nationalisme pour r\u00e9aliser leurs objectifs.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dGuy Laforest<\/em><\/p>\n

    Pour la plupart des Qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois, la vie quotidienne sous un r\u00e9gime de partenariat ressemblerait fort \u00e0 celle qu’ils m\u00e8nent aujourd’hui dans \u00ab la Belle Province \u00bb sous r\u00e9gime f\u00e9d\u00e9ral. Le Qu\u00e9bec jouirait \u00e9videmment d’une plus grande autonomie interne et exercerait une plus nette pr\u00e9sence internationale; mais la plupart de ses citoyens remarqueraient \u00e0 peine le retrait d’Ottawa. Car apr\u00e8s tout, la pr\u00e9sence f\u00e9d\u00e9rale est aujourd’hui presque invisible pour \u00ab M. et Mme Toulemonde \u00bb, peu renseign\u00e9s sur les complexit\u00e9s du f\u00e9d\u00e9ralisme fiscal … la structure du gouvernement qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois ne serait pas radicalement transform\u00e9e … le partenariat semblerait s’Approcher raisonnablement du mythique Qu\u00e9bec ind\u00e9pendant dans un Canada fort.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dRoger Gibbins<\/em><\/p>\n

    Qui est ma\u00eetre \u00e0 bord?<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Tout semble indiquer que l’incitation par le march\u00e9 favorise un\u00a0usage plus productif des ressources\u00a0de sant\u00e9. Certains observateurs ont\u00a0minimis\u00e9 l’importance de ces r\u00e9sultats initiaux sous pr\u00e9texte qu’ils\u00a0t\u00e9moignent simplement d’une\u00a0adh\u00e9sion massive des plus fervents d\u00e9fenseurs de la formule …, mais ce genre d’argument ne p\u00e8se pas assez lourd pour que l’on en abandonne l’id\u00e9e. Au contraire, il sert g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement \u00e0 pr\u00e9coniser un renforcement des incitations propres aux nouveaux march\u00e9s internes. Au-del\u00e0 de l’effet de mode, les \u00ab march\u00e9s internes \u00bb et les \u00ab stimulants ax\u00e9s sur le march\u00e9 \u00bb en sont venus \u00e0 appara\u00eetre comme des solution m\u00ebrement r\u00e9fl\u00e9chies, appliqu\u00e9es \u00e0 des degr\u00e9s divers ou en voie d’application dans la plupart des pays de l’OCDE. Et l’on en r\u00e9colte d’ores et d\u00e9j\u00e0 les fruits en mati\u00e8re d’efficience. L’heure est venue pour le Canada de reconna\u00eetre qu’une grande partie du probl\u00e8me des soins m\u00e9dicaux inopportuns d\u00e9coule directement d’un mode de financement d\u00e9pourvu des mesures incitatives appropri\u00e9es … tout en respectant (et sans doute en renfor\u00e7ant) le principe d’universalit\u00e9 gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 un niveau de services \u00e9tabli d’apr\u00e8s nos besoins r\u00e9els plut\u00f4t que notre capacit\u00e9 de payer.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dClaude E. Forget et Monique J\u00e9r\u00f4me-Forget<\/em><\/p>\n

    The Transformation of Canada’s Pacific Metropolis: A Study of Vancouver<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Most uncertain is whether Vancouver can eventually transcend [its] growing international role within the Asia-Pacific region to assume the status of world or global city … Attaining world-city status implies a function of a city’s particular role in the global economy and its level of activity in certain key areas … The principal challenge is to develop policies that take advantage of the market forces and pressures of the new global economy in a constructive way, while recognizing and not compromising the value to the city’s unique socio-cultural and environmental qualities.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dThomas Hutton<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u201cSubsidizing Child Care for Low-Income Families: A Good Bargain for Canadian Governments?\u201d<\/em><\/h3>\n

    We found that lone mothers on social assistance have only modest incentives to seek employment even when all child care costs are subsidized, and virtually no incentives to do so if child care subsidy is unavailable … In order to provide the desired employment incentives, child care subsidy systems should remain contingent on parental involvement in employment or training, particularly full-time employment or training, as is generally the case now. Minimum fees (and maximum payments well below the actual cost of care) should be reduced or eliminated. If there are problems with rising costs of licensed care, methods for containing them other than substantial parental co-payments should be found.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dGordon Cleveland and Douglas Hyatt,<\/em> Choices<\/p>\n

    \u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

    1999<\/h2>\n

    Si je me souviens bien\/As I Recall<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Bien que cette dualit\u00e9 historiographique ait parfois donn\u00e9 naissance \u00e0 des interpr\u00e9tations qui semblent aujourd’hui exag\u00e9r\u00e9es, voire erron\u00e9es, nous croyons que ces diff\u00e9rences ne peuvent \u00eatre ais\u00e9ment supprim\u00e9es par l’\u00e9dification d’un nouvel ordre symbolique ou simplement \u00e9cart\u00e9es sous pr\u00e9texte que notre histoire rec\u00e8le aussi des succ\u00e8s communs. En regard du d\u00e9bat sur le statut du Qu\u00e9bec au sein de la f\u00e9d\u00e9ration canadienne, il importe, au contraire, d’admettre que ces interpr\u00e9tations divergentes alimentent l’incompr\u00e9hension mutuelle et influencent les\u00a0\u00e9changes entre les deux communaut\u00e9s.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dIntroduction<\/em><\/p>\n

    La Conqu\u00eate a fait du Qu\u00e9bec une partie du Canada. Cette phrase r\u00e9sume bien ce qui, encore aujourd’hui, rend la souvenir de la Conqu\u00eate aussi troublant pour tant de francophones : elle \u00ab a fait du Qu\u00e9bec une\u00a0partie du Canada \u00bb. Jusqu’\u00e0 la Conqu\u00eate, le Qu\u00e9bec \u00e9tait le Canada ! La Conqu\u00eate a transform\u00e9 le sens m\u00eame du nom \u00ab Canada \u00bb … En fin de compte, le nom de \u00ab Canada \u00bb allait recouvrir un paste pays \u00e0 pr\u00e9dominance anglophone; la population francophone s’\u00e9tait vu ravir son nom et son identit\u00e9 originels.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dArthur Silver<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u201cJudicial Power in Canada and Britain\u201d <\/em><\/h3>\n

    Peter Russell and Paul Howe, eds., Choices<\/em><\/h3>\n

    By contrast with the United States, where the Supreme Court is restricted to considering actual cases arising under the Constitution, our courts are virtually dragged into the political fray by the reference procedure. And there appears to be no way the Court can refuse to hear reference cases, though, as noted, it does have a measure of discretion to reject questions that are overtly political. The full Court must answer the questions put to it and do so expeditiously. Canadian courts, while always prominent in the Canadian political process, have become more \u201cactivist\u201d since the advent of the Charter. And the general public, due to a greater press coverage, has become more vocal in its criticism of the courts … There is emerging a consistent trend towards a liberal judicial philosophy, especially in matters relating to abortion, feminist causes, sexual orientation and the protection of the criminally accused.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dFrederick Vaughan<\/em><\/p>\n

    The spread of rights documents throughout the common law world affected the debate on incorporation in the U.K. in two ways. First, it provided models for civil rights bodies and lawyers to draw upon in drafting proposed bills of rights for Britain. Second, it represented a global trend toward the incorporation of human rights documents which left the U.K. increasingly isolated. The Canadian experience in particular, having been in operation since the early 1980s, was increasingly viewed as providing support for the argument that entrenching a bill of rights did not necessarily herald a legal or political revolution but could be incorporated into a common law system as an evolutionary step in the development of a more rights-based approach.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dKate Malleson<\/em>\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00ab Des droits \u00e0 interpr\u00e9ter :\u00a0<\/em>les juges, le Parlement et l’\u00e9laboration des politiques sociales \u00bb<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Le Canada devrait se doter d’un comit\u00e9 parlementaire permanent charg\u00e9, en particulier, d’examiner en fonction de la Charte tous les projets de loi. Certes, la Chambre des communes et le S\u00e9nat ont chacun un comit\u00e9 dont le mandat, fort large, peut inclure un tel examen. Mais le Parlement aurait grand avantage \u00e0 exercer cette fonction de fa\u00e7on plus consciente et plus syst\u00e9matique, en l’assignant \u00e0 un comit\u00e9 particulier. Les membres de ce comit\u00e9 … arriveraient \u00e0 d\u00e9velopper des connaissances sp\u00e9cialis\u00e9es et approfondies. Le r\u00f4le de ce comit\u00e9 consisterait non seulement \u00e0 \u00e9tudier la port\u00e9e des droits revendiqu\u00e9s, mais aussi la justification des choix l\u00e9gislatifs.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dJanet Hiebert,<\/em> Choix<\/p>\n

    \u00ab S\u00e9lection au m\u00e9rite et d\u00e9mocratisation des nominations \u00e0 la Cour supr\u00eame du Canada \u00bb<\/em><\/h3>\n

    C’est pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment le r\u00f4le tr\u00e8s politique (j’emploie ici ce mot dans un sens positif, sans connotation p\u00e9jorative) que les juges de la Cour supr\u00eame exercent dans l’application et l’interpr\u00e9tation de la Charte et des autres parties de la Constitution qui rend essentielle l’introduction d’un \u00e9l\u00e9ment d\u00e9mocratique et stabilisateur dans le processus de nomination. On devrait fournir l’occasion de voir le candidat, de se renseigner sur lui et de mesurer sa valeur\u201d\u201davant que sa nomination ne devienne fait accompli. Le gouvernement, s’il a fait un bon choix, aid\u00e9 ou non par un comit\u00e9 de mise en candidature, aura peu \u00e0 craindre; selon toute vraisemblance, le candidat obtiendra vite l’aval de l’organisme mandat\u00e9 pour l’approbation.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dJacob Ziegel,<\/em> Choix<\/p>\n

    \u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

    2000<\/h2>\n

    \u201cTaxing Canadian Families: What’s Fair, What’s Not\u201d<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Canada’s tax system fails to provide adequate recognition for the responsibilities of caring for children and advocate directions for reform. Recent initiatives aimed at fighting child poverty by redistributing benefits from more affluent families with children has created inequities between families with children and childless individuals and have compromised economic efficiency. Our analysis shows that converting the CCTB [Canada Child Tax Benefit] into a universal benefit is the only policy option that fixes the two most important problems with Canada’s system of child benefits: it restores horizontal equity by providing benefits to all Canadian children, and it reduces the high effective marginal tax rates faced by lower-income families with children. In our view, it is the best policy option, based on both equity and efficiency.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dCarole Vincent and Frances Woolley,<\/em> Choices<\/p>\n

    The Canadian Social Union without Quebec:\u00a0<\/em>8 Critical Analyses<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Alain-G. Gagnon and Hugh Segal, eds.<\/h3>\n

    The proposed rebalancing of the Canadian federation in the [Social Union] Framework Agreement of February 4, 1999 raises fundamental questions for the Quebec government. It is a cause for concern that the central government is imposing its presence on all provincial and territorial governments in areas in which it has no constitutional jurisdiction … The objectives pursued by the Quebec government to provide its population with strong social bonds that could give the Quebec political community greater cohesion are simply seen as contrary to the homogenizing vision pursued by the central\u00a0government.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dAlain-G. Gagnon<\/em><\/p>\n

    Seen from a distance, negotiating the Framework Agreement reproduced once again the inherent weaknesses of past attempts at changing the federation. On one side, the nation-builders of English Canada, some in Ottawa and other in provincial capitals, strive with unquestioned sincerity to develop Canadawide initiatives aimed at harmonizing and integrating policies. Even when their projects seem to go beyond the letter of the Constitution, they have many good reasons to promote them. Conscious of the particular situation in Quebec, they generally attempt to associate the province with their initiatives. But because they fail to invest the effort needed to understand the true nature of the challenges deriving from Quebec’s specific nature, they more often than not become tired of negotiating and in the end let down their embarrassing partner. In the end, they come up with agreements that, because of Quebec’s absence, are not really national agreements. Quebec, with its experience of Canadawide initiatives, enters negotiations with caution, since any eventual agreement might go\u00a0against its own values.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dClaude Ryan<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u201cFlat Taxes, Dual Taxes, Smart Taxes: Making the Best Choices\u201d<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Given the current state of the Canadian economy that is approaching full productive capacity and full employment, there are grounds for giving greater priority to supply-enhancing tax cuts rather than large cuts in basic personal tax rates or exemption levels that would boost consumer demand. The latter parts of the tax-reduction package could be phased in when the economy slows or enters the next recession … By stimulating the aggregate supply of real output and dampening inflation through productivity increases, more supplyoriented tax cuts and reforms would extend the business expansion and lift the economy’s long-run growth rate. An optimal tax package for Canada will focus at the outset on augmenting incentives for savings, investment, and entrepreneurial activity in preference to consumer spending.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dJonathan Kesselman, <\/em>Policy Matters\u00a0<\/p>\n

    Recommandations aux premiers ministres\u00a0Groupe de travail de l’IRPP sur les politiques de sant\u00e9\u00a0<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Les fournisseurs de soins, tout comme le public\u00a0en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral, estiment frustrant un processus o\u00f9\u00a0les d\u00e9cisions\u201d\u201dprises en haut lieu, loin du terrain\u00a0d’action et hors du temps\u201d\u201dsont soumises \u00e0 des\u00a0r\u00e8gles et \u00e0 des r\u00e8glements tatillons. Pour assurer l’avenir de notre syst\u00e8me de sant\u00e9, nous devons renouer avec la d\u00e9centralisation et l’autonomie, faire appel aux autorit\u00e9s locales et r\u00e9gionales. Nous devons confier \u00e0 celles-ci non seulement la gestion et le fonctionnement des services de sant\u00e9 dont la population a besoin sur place, mais aussi leur conf\u00e9rer l’autorit\u00e9 n\u00e9cessaire \u00e0 cette fin.<\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    2001<\/h2>\n

    Pulling Against Gravity: Economic Development\u00a0in New Brunswick\u00a0during the McKenna Years\u00a0Political leaders in have-less provinces can\u00a0borrow a page from McKenna in their\u00a0efforts to promote economic development …<\/em><\/h3>\n

    But as this study makes clear, this approach has\u00a0its limits. Economic development in New\u00a0Brunswick requires a constant pulling against gravity. Gravity does not come solely from market forces or from the province’s inherent inability to compete. It also comes from a federal government incapable or unwilling to accommodate regional economic interests in its policies other than those of vote-rich Ontario and southern Quebec … Given this reality, New Brunswickers should no longer support a strong role for the federal government in in a society dominated by Ontario and Quebec … New Brunswick should join forces with western Canada and promote new attempts to reform national political institutions.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dDonald Savoie<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u201cA Room of Our Own: Cultural Policies and Trade Agreements\u201d<\/em><\/h3>\n

    The United States has generally been a complainant and Canada has often had to retreat in trade battles related to specific cultural policies … it is unlikely to wish to discuss extending blanket exemptions or exceptions for cultural industries in trade agreements. But it might be open to discussing specific proposals from which it too would gain in terms of clearer and potentially more open rules of the game. If Canada accepts the possibility that its own policies would become more focused on fostering the production and availability of Canadian content, it would\u00a0be in a realistic position to offer something of interest to the United States and other major trading nations. It would be closer, therefore, to attaining an international agreement that spoke meaningfully to core Canadian cultural objectives.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dDaniel Schwanen,<\/em> Choices<\/p>\n

    \u00ab Les pr\u00e9rogatives du pouvoir dans les relations intergouvernementales \u00bb<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Les gouvernements provinciaux et territoriaux ont accept\u00e9 l’ECUS [Entente-cadre sur l’union sociale] et le f\u00e9d\u00e9ralisme de collaboration pour deux raisons : parce qu’ils ne demandaient pas autant d’autonomie et de marge de man\u0153uvre que le gouvernement du Qu\u00e9bec et parce qu’ils ont fini par consid\u00e9rer les options d\u00e9finies par le gouvernement f\u00e9d\u00e9ral comme \u00e9tant les seules possibles. Deux lectures peuvent \u00eatre faites de cette \u00e9volution. L’une sugg\u00e8re que les provinces ont \u00e9t\u00e9 domin\u00e9es par un acteur plus puissant, capable de d\u00e9finir et d’imposer les r\u00e8gles du jeu. L’autre insiste plus sur la concordance de vues entre les gouvernements f\u00e9d\u00e9ral, provinciaux et territoriaux, et pr\u00e9sente le gouvernement du Qu\u00e9bec comme une victime de ce que Gruber appelle une \u00ab coalition activiste \u00bb forte … Les gouvernements des provinces et territoires n’ont pas atteint leurs objectifs initiaux mais ils se sont rapidement adapt\u00e9s \u00e0 une nouvelle situation qu’ils estimaient in\u00e9vitable, peu dommageable et m\u00eame utile \u00e0 certains \u00e9gards.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dAlain No\u00e0\u00abl, <\/em>Enjeux publics\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u201cThe Brain Drain: Myth and Reality\u201d\u201d What It Is and What Should be Done\u201d<\/em><\/h3>\n

    General income tax cuts should not play a\u00a0central role in the brain drain debate\u00a0because the (net) effects of smaller cuts on the\u00a0number of persons leaving would not likely be\u00a0very great, while the \u201cspillover\u201d effects of any larger cuts in terms of reduced government revenues and the associated reductions in public spending and other effects would be so large as to render any resulting brain drain effects relatively puny in comparison … There may be good reasons to reduce personal income taxes, but that debate should be engaged on its own terms, rather than dragged into the brain drain issue in the tail-wagging-the-dog fashion it has been of late, as in, \u201cWe need to reduce our \u201d\u02dcbrain draining’ levels of taxation.\u201d … While general income tax cuts may (or may not) represent an appropriate policy move at this time, the associated brain drain effects are likely to be moderate and could thus comprise only a correspondingly small part of the justification for such a policy initiative … It would be fortuitous if the brain drain were in fact reduced to a substantial degree because of tax changes … Income tax policy, at the general level, should be formulated more or less independently of its brain drain effects; while brain drain problems are best addressed with specific brain drain policy solutions.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dRoss Finnie,<\/em> Choices<\/p>\n

    \u00a0\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

    2002<\/h2>\n

    \u201cCanada and Military Coalitions: Where, How, and with Whom?\u201d<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Many Canadians, including most members of Parliament, believe that Canada is an important participant and a leader in international peacekeeping missions worldwide. They appear convinced that Canada has \u201cinfluence\u201d in NATO and the United Nations because of the commitments made there, but the reality is different. Consequently, the public may be disillusioned when they discover a more sober truth, as many did when they found Canada outside the \u201cContact Group\u201d directing NATO operations in the former Yugoslavia. The public might then appreciate that while Canada could build coalitions of the willing around soft assets where risks are low\u201d\u201das in specific arms control areas and international judicial matters\u201d\u201d they might also lower their expectations of its ability to act in coalitions where hard assets are needed and high risks are anticipated. Alternatively, Canadians might decide to assemble the means needed to match the\u00a0vision they have of Canada in the world.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dDouglas Bland, <\/em>Policy Matters\u00a0<\/p>\n

    \u201cThe Bright Side: A Positive View on the Economics of Aging\u201d<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Probably the most important factor determining the implications of population aging on economic growth will be human capital. It is the contention of this paper that population aging will enhance the role of human capital as an engine of economic growth because it creates strong incentives for young and future generations to invest in human capital formation. That investment, in turn, could more than compensate for the decrease in the proportion of the population of working age and the decrease in national savings.<\/p>\n

    This implies that, in policy terms, the importance of the issue of human capital, already highlighted in the aftermath of the information technology revolution, will be reinforced. If the investments in human capital\u00a0materialize, population aging may stimulate economic growth in the context of a knowledge-based economy and increase the living standards of young and future generations.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dMarcel M\u00e9rette,<\/em> Choices<\/p>\n

    \u00ab R\u00e9tablir le principe f\u00e9d\u00e9ral :\u00a0La place du Qu\u00e9bec dans l’union sociale canadienne \u00bb<\/em><\/h3>\n

    L’ali\u00e9nation de plus en plus \u00e9vidente de la majorit\u00e9 francophone qu\u00e9b\u00e9coise au sein du Canada demeure le probl\u00e8me le plus important auquel le pays est confront\u00e9. C’est un probl\u00e8me qui devrait pr\u00e9occuper au plus haut point les citoyens et les responsables politiques du Canada. M\u00eame ceux qui r\u00e9alisent encore qu’il existe un probl\u00e8me Canada-Qu\u00e9bec ne semblent plus viser la r\u00e9conciliation historique du Qu\u00e9bec et du reste du Canada, mais la totale d\u00e9faite de ces \u00ab s\u00e9paratistes \u00bb dont ils se sont convaincus qu’ils constituent le seul vrai probl\u00e8me du pays. Ils semblent dire que les francophones qui ont vot\u00e9 majoritairement Oui au r\u00e9f\u00e9rendum de 1995 ne savaient pas ce qu’ils faisaient. Cette conception tient pour l’essentiel de la pens\u00e9e magique.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dChristian Dufour, <\/em>Enjeux publics<\/p>\n

    \u201cSailing in Concert: The Politics and Strategy of CanadaUS Naval Interoperability\u201d<\/em><\/h3>\n

    Canadian vital interests will not likely be at stake on the high seas …The same, though, may no longer be the case for the littoral waters of North America … Ottawa can choose not to deploy overseas with the USN; it cannot choose to ignore American efforts to secure the maritime approaches to the continent. In addition, overall sovereignty concerns will be exacerbated if NORAD is to be subsumed within the new Northern Command, thus depriving it of its distinctive bilateral character.<\/p>\n

    \u201d\u201dJoel J. Sokolsky<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    To be continued…<\/h2>\n

    \u00c0 suivre…<\/h2>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    1977-78 The Canadian Condition:\u00a0A Guide to Research in Public Policy The Institute is a learning body and, accordingly, its reading of the Canadian reality will become more accurate, more specific, more sophisticated as time goes on\u2014 not to mention that reality changes as well. 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